UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Class 


Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 


l! 


The  Caravels  of  De  Soto. 


AMERICAN   FIGHTS  AND    FIGHTERS    SERIES 


Colonial 
Fights  and  Fighters 


BY 


CYRUS  TOWNSEND    BRADY,  LL.  D. 


ILLUSTRATED  WITH  ORIGINAL  DRAWINGS  BY  GIBBS,  SCHOONOVER 

AND  OTHERS,  AND  REPRODUCTIONS  FROM  RARE 

OLD  PRINTS,  MAPS,  DIAGRAMS,  &c. 


NEW  YORK 

DOUBLEDAY,  PAGE  &  COMPANY 
MCMIX 


COPYRIGHT,   IQOO    AND   IpOI,   BY  S.   S.   McCLURE  CO. 
1901,   BY  McCLURE,   PHILLIPS  &  CO. 


To 
Edwin  Wilson   Morse 


CONTENTS 

PART  I 
IN   THE   AGE   OF   DISCOVERY 

FACE 

DE  SOTO  AND  THE   MISSISSIPPI 

I.     THE  BEST  OF  THE  CONQUISTADORS  3 

II.     VITACHUCO'S  BOLD  STROKE  FOR  LIBERTY       ...  8 

III.  THE  DEFENCE  OF  MAUVILA 14 

IV.  THE  FATHER  OF  WATERS 23 

V.     THE  MELANCHOLY  END 26 

THE    REVENGE   OF   DE   GOURGUES 

I      THE  HUGUENOT  COLONIES 33 

II.     THE  MASSACRE  OF  FORT  CAROLINE         .        .        .        .43 

III.  THE  LINE  IN  THE  SAND  .  46 

IV.  THE  TERRIBLE  EXPIATION  .        .        .        .49 


PART  II 
GENTLEMEN   OF   THE   BLACK   FLAG 

SIR   HENRY   MORGAN   AND    HIS   BUCCANEERS 

I.    PLUNDERING  PUERTO  BELLO 59 

II.     THE  RAID  ON  MARACAIBO 67 

III.  THE  STORMING  OF  FORT  ST.  LAWRENCE         ...     72 

IV.  THE  MARCH  TO  THE  PACIFIC  ...  .78 
V.     THE  SACK  OF  PANAMA      .                         .                 .        .     82 

VI.    THE  END  OF  THE  BUCCANEER 92 

UNDER  THE    "JOLLY   ROGER" 

I.     ROBERT  MAYNARD  STAMPS  OUT  BLACKBEARD         .        .     97 
II.     COLONEL  RHETT  AND  MAJOR  BONNET  .        .        .106 


viii  Contents 


PART  III 
VARIOUS    EARLY    COLONIAL   WARS 

PAGE 

SOME   OF   FRONTENAC'S   EXPLOITS 

I.     THE  MASSACRE  AT  LA  CHINE 121 

II.     THE  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY 124 

III.  PHIPS'  FAILURE  AT  QUEBEC 130 

IV.  D'lBERVILLE   IN    HUDSON'S   BAY 137 

V.    STRIKING  THE  IROQUOIS  .......  139 

OGLETHORPE   ON   ST.    SIMON'S   ISLAND 

I.     THE  SPANISH  EXPEDITION 145 

II.     THE  DEFENCE  OF  FREDERICA 154 

PEPPERRELL  AT   LOUISBOURG 

I.     THE  DUNKIRK  OF  AMERICA 165 

IT.     AN  IMPOSSIBLE  PROPOSITION  .  ....  169 

III.     THE  SIEGE  AND  CAPTURE 175 


PART  IV 

THE   FRENCH   AND   INDIAN   WAR 
THE  STRUGGLE  FOR    THE    VALLEY  OF  THE   OHIO 

THE   FIRST   FAILURE 

I.     WASHINGTON'S  EXPEDITION 189 

II.     THE  FATE  OF  JUMONVILLE 193 

III.    THE  FIGHT  AT  FORT  NECESSITY 198 

THE   SECOND   FAILURE 

I.     THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAREER  OF  GENERAL  BRADDOCK     .  205 

II.     THE  MARCH  TO  THE  VALLEY 211 

III.     THE  DEFEAT  ON  THE  MONONGAHELA      .        .        .        .221 

THE   FINAL   SUCCESS 

I.     GRANT'S  DEFEAT       ........  243 

II.     FORBES'  ACHIEVEMENT  AND  DEATH         ....  252 


Contents 


THE  FIGHTING  AROUND   TICONDEROGA 

I.    THE  GRAND  EXPEDITION 263 

II.     THE  END  OF  LORD  HOWE 269 

III.  ON  THE  HILL  OF  DEATH 275 

IV.  THE  LAST  CHARGE  OF  THE  BLACK  WATCH     .        .        .279 
V.     THE  LEGEND  OF  INVERAWE 284 

BEFORE   LOUISBOURG  AGAIN 

I.     A  GIBRALTAR  Now 289 

II.     THE  LANDING  IN  THE  SURF 293 

III.  THE  FORTRESS  BELEAGUERED 297 

IV.  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET 3°° 

THE    FALL   OF   QUEBEC 

I.     THE  STAKE,  THE  GAME,  AND  THE  PLAYERS    .        .        .307 
II.     THE  REPULSE  ON  THE  MONTMORENCY     .        .        .        .314 

III.  ON  THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM 31? 

IV.  THE  DEATH  OF  THE  GREAT  CAPTAINS     .       .       .        .  327 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


THE  CARAVELS  OF  DE  SOTO Frontispiece 

Drawing  by  George  Gibbs.  FACING 

PAGE 

DE  SOTO  DISCOVERING  THE  MISSISSIPPI          ....      20 

Drawing  by  George  Gibbs. 

MENENDEZ  DE  AVILES 21 

From  an  old  print. 

STORMING  OF  THE  FORT  AT  CHAGRES 84 

Drawing  by  George  Gibbs. 

BATTLE  AT  PANAMA 85 

Drawing  by  George  Gibbs. 

THE  MASSACRE  AT  LA  CHINE 132 

Drawing  by  Howard  Giles. 

ANNOUNCING  THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  ENGLISH  .        .        .133 

Drawing  by  Howard  Giles. 

THE  DEFEAT  OF  LE  RENOMME"E  BY  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  PRI 
VATEERS  180 

Drawing  by  Frank  E.  Schoonover. 

THE  CAPTURE  OF  THE  GRAND  BATTERY    .   .   .   .181 

Drawings  by  Frank  E.  Schoonover. 

WASHINGTON  AT  THE  AGE  OF  TWENTY-FIVE    .        .        .        .196 

From  a  rare  print. 

GENERAL  BRADDOCK 197 

From  an  engraving  of  a  contemporary  portrait. 

WASHINGTON  AT  BRADDOCK'S  DEFEAT  ON  THE  MONONGAHELA, 

AND  THE  DEATH  OF  BRADDOCK 292 

From  a  mezzotint  engraving  of  the  original  picture. 


Illustrations 


VAOB 

THE  CUTTING  OUT  OF  LE  PRUDENT  AND  LE  BIENFAISANT     .    293 

From  a  contemporary  print. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM      ....    324 

From  an  old  print. 

THE  DEATH  OF  WOLFE 325 

From  a  mezzotint  engraving  of  the  original  picture. 

The  old  prints  from  which  many  of  the  above  illustrations  have  been 
made  are  in  the  collection  of  Hampton  L.  Canon,  Esq.,  of  Philadelphia* 
to  whose  courtesy  we  are  indebted  for  the  privilege  of  reproduction. 


A   LIST   OF   MAPS   AND    PLANS 


i 

EARLY  SETTLEMENTS  IN  GEORGIA  AND   MAP  OF  ST.   SI 
MON'S  ISLAND  AND  FREDERICA 150 

II 

MAP  SHOWING  THE   ROUTE  AND  ENCAMPMENTS  OF  THE 
ENGLISH  ARMY  IN  1755 216 

III 

MAP     OF     BRADDOCK'S     DEFEAT— PREPARED     BY      THE 
AUTHOR 228 

IV 

SKETCH  OF  COUNTRY  AROUND  TICONDEROGA  AND  SIEGE 
OF  LOUISBOURG 274 

V 

MAP  OF  LOUISBOURG,  1758 290 

VI 

MAP  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  QUEBEC  AND  PLAN  OF  THE  BATTLE 
ON  THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM 312 


xiii 


Prefatory  Note 

THE  generous  reception  and  kindly  criticism 
which  was  accorded  Revolutionary  Fights  and 
Fighters,  the  first  book  of  this  series,  has  in 
spired  me  to  continue  my  efforts  looking  to  the  comple 
tion  of  a  Battle  History  of  America,  in  which  the  stories 
of  all  the  conflicts,  wars,  and  adventures,  which  have 
taken  place  on  the  continent,  will  eventually  find  a  place. 
This  time  I  have  gone  farther  afield  in  choice  of  sub 
jects  and  have  wandered  from  the  beaten  path.  The 
reader  is  here  introduced  to  some  of  the  racial  struggles 
which  went  toward  the  making  of  the  nation.  As  there 
were  soldiers  before  Agamemnon,  so  there  were  battles 
in  which  we  took  conspicuous  parts  before  the  Revo 
lution,  notably  in  the  French  and  Indian  War,  the  princi 
pal  campaigns  and  exploits  in  which  are  set  forth  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  book. 

It  has  been  said  sometimes  that  American  history 
lacks  the  elements  of  romance.  As  I  consider  the  great 
names  which  appear  successively  even  in  these  few 
pages,  I  am  constrained  to  contradict  the  statement. 
The  proud,  cruel,  domineering,  indomitable  Spaniard; 
the  gay,  debonair,  dashing,  brilliant  Frenchman;  the 
merciless,  rapacious,  lustful,  yet  courageous  Buccaneer; 
the  base,  brutal,  bloodthirsty  Pirate ;  the  cool,  stubborn, 
persistent,  persevering,  heroic  Englishman;  the  hardy 


xvi  Prefatory  Note 

Colonist,  adding  to  his  old-world  stock  the  virtues  gen 
erated  by  the  new  life  in  a  new  land,  and  the  plumed 
and  painted  savage  with  his  fearful  war  cry,  his  stoic 
endurance,  his  subtle  strategy,  pass  before  me  in  brill 
iant  panoramic  procession. 

Believe  me,  dear  reader,  if  these  things  be  not  in 
teresting  to  you,  if  you  do  not  find  them  full  of  tragedy, 
mystery,  romance,  the  fault  is  in  the  teller,  and  not  in 
the  tale. 

I  have  made  a  selection  of  events  to  be  discussed,  in 
accordance  with  my  fancy,  but  I  have  tried  to  select 
those  which  would  show  some  of  the  diverse  elements 
and  conditions  which  are  met  with  in  pre-revolutionary 
history.  As  I  have  said,  I  have  freely  made  use  of  every 
source  of  information  which  would  throw  light  upon 
the  subject. 

No  one  who  writes  of  this  long  period  can  fail  to 
feel  a  sense  of  indebtedness  to  Francis  Parkman.  His 
books  should  be  in  every  library,  and  should  be  read 
by  every  lover  of  his  country.  He  stands  alone  among 
American  historians  in  the  greatness  of  his  concep 
tion  and  in  the  way  he  carried  it  out.  For  many  hours 
of  pleasure  and  for  much  valuable  information  I  stand 
indebted  to  him,  and  I  gratefully  make  the  acknowledg 
ment  here. 

C.  T.  B. 

OVERBROOK,  Phila.,  Penna.,  1901. 


PART  I 

IN   THE   AGE   OF    DISCOVERY 

I 

De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi 


DE    SOTO    AND    THE    MISSISSIPPI 

I.    The  Best  of  the  Conquistadors 

IN  the  year  1536,  a  magnificent  cavalier  of  noble 
presence  and  princely  bearing,  arrived  at  the  court 
of  Valladolid.  The  richness  of  his  vesture,  the  pro 
fusion  of  his  equipage,  the  magnificence  of  his  house 
hold,  for  he  was  attended  by  a  number  of  young  officers 
scarcely  less  splendid  than  himself,  dazzled  the  eyes  of 
all — and  it  was  no  light  thing  to  excite  the  astonfehment 
of  the  court  of  the  great  emperor,  Charles  V. 

The  cavalier  was  Hernando  de  Soto.  He  was  the 
scion  of  a  noble  though  impoverished  family,  in  whose 
veins  flowed  some  of  the  bluest  blood  of  Spain.  He 
was  born  in  the  year  1501,  at  Villeneuva  de  Barcarrota 
at  Xeres  near  Badajos.  Like  Cortez  and  Pizarro,  he 
was  an  Estramaduran.  There  must  have  been  some 
thing  in  the  air  of  that  province  which  produced  heroic 
men. 

When  but  thirteen  years  old,  with  no  fortune  but  his 
target  and  his  sword,  he  set  sail  for  the  new  world 
which  was  opening  with  such  dazzling  vistas  of  romantic 
possibilities  before  the  chivalry  of  the  age.  He  was  a 
page  in  the  train  of  Pedrarias,  the  infamous  governor  of 
Darien.  All  the  conquistadors  wrote  their  names  in 
blood  upon  the  records  of  the  countries,  which  it  were 
a  mistake  in  terms  to  say  they  governed,  but  Pedrarias 
earned  a  name  even  among  his  bloodthirsty  contempo- 

3 


4        Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

raries  which  indicated  his  character.  Like  Attila  of  old, 
he  was  called  the  "  Scourge  of  God  "  (Furor  Domini). 
In  such  a  school  was  de  Soto  trained. 

He  met  with  the  favor  of  Pedrarias,  and  in  ten  years' 
time  was  a  captain  in  an  expedition  into  the  wilds  of 
Nicaragua.  His  chroniclers  relate  of  him  that  he  joyed 
in  the  hunting  of  savages.  In  April,  1532,  he  landed 
with  a  troop  of  horse  on  the  Gulf  of  Guayaquil,  a  needed 
reinforcement  for  the  detestable  Pizarro.  The  courage 
and  ability  of  de  Soto  were  soon  recognized  by  the  keen 
conqueror  of  Peru.  Responsibilities — gladly  welcomed 
— were  thrust  upon  him.  It  was  he  who  discovered  and 
made  way  over  the  passes  of  the  mountains.  With  Her- 
nando  Pizarro,  he  headed  the  embassy  which  boldly  en 
tered  the  camp  where  the  Inca  Atahualpa  sat  enthroned 
amid  a  multitude  of  wild  warriors.  He  is  reputed  to 
have  been  the  best  horseman  among  the  Spanish,  and 
he  took  occasion,  incensed  by  the  coolness  with  which 
the  Peruvian  emperor  met  their  advances,  to  give  him 
a  sample  of  his  skill  at  the  manege.  He  caused  his 
horse  to  curvet  and  prance  madly  about  the  square, 
finally  rushing  him  at  full  speed  toward  the  inca  as  if 
to  over-ride  him,  checking  him  within  a  few  feet  of  his 
sacred  person  by  so  powerful  a  wrench  that  he  threw 
the  animal  on  his  haunches  at  the  foot  of  the  throne. 
The  Peruvians  were  dreadfully  afraid  of  a  horse,  but 
the  manoeuvre  of  the  cavalier  had  no  effect  whatever 
upon  the  impassive  inca,  who  never  raised  his  eyes, 
though  it  was  gravely  related  that  he  caused  some  of 
his  warriors  who  shrank  back  from  the  avalanche  of 
horseflesh  and  steel,  to  be  beheaded  after  the  departure 
of  the  embassy  for  having  shown  fear  before  strangers. 

He  was  one  of  the  company  which  participated  in  the 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi         5 

capture  of  the  inca  on  the  i6th  of  November,  1532, 
and  the  dreadful  slaughter  in  the  square  of  Caxamarca. 
At  the  storming  of  Cuzco  he  was  the  first  over  the 
walls,  and  in  all  the  battles  and  marches  he  bore  a  promi 
nent  part.  It  is  to  his  credit,  that  being  absent  at  the 
time  the  inca,  who  had  paid  the  unheard-of  ransom  of 
fifteen  million  dollars  in  gold  for  his  release,  was  basely 
executed,  he  protested  against  this  incredible  treachery 
when  he  returned  to  Caxamarca. 

When  the  country  was  entirely  subdued,  he  returned 
to  Spain,  having  received  as  his  share  of  the  ransom  of 
the  inca,  about  two  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  dol 
lars  in  ingots  of  gold  and  silver.  He  met  with  a  warm 
welcome  from  the  needy  emperor,  who  proceeded  to 
bestow  his  royal  favor  upon  him  and  borrow  some  sixty 
thousand  ducats  forthwith.  It  is  to  the  credit  of  Charles, 
that  he  subsequently  paid  back  this  money — a  most  un 
usual  act  of  royal  condescension ! 

With  a  halo  of  romance  and  a  more  substantial  gild 
ing  of  treasure  adorning  his  handsome  and  stately  per 
son,  he  had  but  to  choose  for  a  wife  the  fairest  of  the 
fair  dames  of  Castile,  purchase  an  estate,  establish  him 
self  as  a  grandee  secure  in  the  favor  of  the  emperor 
and  pass  the  rest  of  his  days  in  the  enjoyment  of  his 
treasures.  His  choice  fell  upon  the  beautiful  Isabella  de 
Bobadilla,  a  daughter  of  old  Pedrarias,  and  a  connection 
of  that  grand  dame  the  Marchioness  de  Moya  (Beatrice 
de  Bobadilla),  who  had  been  the  friend  of  Columbus. 
His  present  and  his  future  appeared  certain,  when  there 
came  to  the  court,  early  in  the  year  1537,  a  little  man 
named  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  who  had  been  a  doer  of  doughty 
deeds,  as  we  shall  see,  and  was  now  a  teller  of  strange 
tales. 


6         Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Of  six  hundred  who  had  set  forth  to  explore  Florida 
in  1528,  with  visions  of  conquest  before  their  eyes,  he 
and  three  others  alone  survived.  They  had  passed  eight 
years  in  wandering  across  the  continent  from  one  savage 
tribe  to  another,  from  Florida  to  the  Gulf  of  California. 
He  had  marvellous  accounts  to  relate  of  a  country  in  the 
interior  of  Florida,  then  the  generic  name  for  North 
America,  beside  which  the  riches  of  Mexico  and  Peru — 
lands  where  the  precious  metals  were  so  base  that  the 
horses  were  shod  with  silver! — were  inconsidered  trifles. 
He  refused  to  divulge  the  exact  location  of  this  fabulous 
Ophir,  but  he  said  enough  to  inflame  the  passions — which 
a  year  of  idleness  and  enjoyment  had  not  quenched — of 
de  Soto.  Unsatisfied  by  his  tremendous  booty  and  his 
future  prospects,  he  determined  upon  the  enterprise  in 
which  he  hoped  to  acquire  more  glory  and  more  gold 
than  had  been  found  by  Cortez  and  Pizarro. 

The  emperor  was  pleased  to  accord  his  gracious  per 
mission — which  cost  him  nothing — and  reserving  for  him 
self  a  fifth  of  the  gold  which  was  discovered — which 
brought  him  nothing  either — he  created  de  Soto  a  mar 
quis,  made  him  governor  of  Cuba  and  lord  of  Florida, 
and  pretty  much  all  the  rest  of  the  western  hemisphere 
which  was  not  yet  discovered,  with  the  title  of  Adelan- 
tando.  As  I  read  the  chronicles  of  the  past  it  seems 
that  everybody  who  bore  that  magnificent  appellation 
was  destined  to  misfortune. 

When  the  news  was  passed  among  the  young  courtiers 
of  Spain  that  one  of  the  conquerors  of  Peru  was  about 
to  take  the  sea  once  more,  he  was  overwhelmed  with 
applications  to  join  the  expedition.  It  was  an  age  of 
chivalry,  romance  and  credulity.  The  experiences  of  the 
cavaliers  in  the  new  world  had  lost  nothing  by  the 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi         7 

telling  in  the  old.  Gold  and  silver  were  supposed  to  be 
so  plentiful  that  they  could  be  had  for  the  taking.  With 
this  embarrassment  of  volunteers,  de  Soto  was  able  to 
select  those  best  suited  for  his  purpose..  Among  those 
who  flocked  to  his  standard  were  a  large  number  of 
noble  Portuguese  under  the  command  of  Vasconcelos. 
Wise  de  Vaca  did  not  go  along. 

On  Sunday,  the  6th  of  April,  1538,  being  St.  Lazarus' 
Day,  the  expedition,  comprising  some  nine  hundred  men, 
set  sail  in  a  noble  squadron  of  ships  from  the  port  of 
San  Lucar  at  the  mouth  of  the  Guadalquivir.  Such  had 
been  the  profuseness  of  their  preparation,  that  great 
quantities  of  luggage,  for  which  there  was  no  room  on 
the  ships,  were  left  behind  on  the  wharf  to  the  pillage 
of  the  people,  but  what  did  any  man  care  for  the  reck 
less  expenditure  of  a  few  thousand  ducats  in  Spain  in 
the  face  of  uncounted  ingots  in  Florida? 

De  Soto  was  followed  by  many  of  his  old  comrades 
in  arms  in  Peru,  the  chief  of  whom  were  Luis  de  Moscoso 
and  Nuno  de  Tobar,  who  were  next  him  in  command. 
The  beautiful  Isabella  de  Bobadilla  accompanied  her  gal 
lant  husband.  En  route  they  stopped  at  the  Canary 
Islands  and  were  hospitably  entertained  by  the  governor. 
At  the  entreaty  of  the  wife  of  de  Soto,  the  governor 
allowed  his  daughter,  a  left-handed  descendant  by  the  way 
but  withal  a  dainty  and  charming  lady  also  named  Isa 
bella  de  Bobadilla,  to  accompany  the  expedition. 

Nufio  de  Tobar  fell  in  love  with  her.  She  was  un 
able  to  resist  his  importunities,  and  though  de  Tobar 
promptly  married  her  when  the  consequences  of  their 
indiscretion  were  apparent,  his  presumption  withdrew 
from  him  the  favor  of  the  governor,  he  was  dismissed 
and  reduced  to  the  ranks.  After  spending  some  time 


S        Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

at  Santiago  and  Havana,  and  putting  all  things  in  order 
in  Cuba,  on  Sunday,  the  i8th  of  May,  1539,  with  five 
great  ships,  two  caravels  and  two  brigantines,  they  set 
sail  from  Havana.  Donna  de  Soto  and  Donna  de  Tobar, 
the  latter  with  a  little  baby  in  her  arms,  stood  on  the 
Morro  Castle  and  watched  the  white  sails  wafting  their 
lords  to  fame  and  fortune,  as  they  supposed,  sink  out 
of  sight  beneath  the  horizon. 

II.   Vitachuco's  Bold  Stroke  for  Liberty 

On  the  2Oth  of  May,  being  Whitsunday,  they  landed 
in  the  Bay  of  Tampa,  called  by  them  the  Bay  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.  They  numbered  over  six  hundred  per 
fectly  appointed  men,  perhaps  two  hundred  of  them  be 
ing  horsemen.  Among  the  number  were  twelve  priests, 
eight  inferior  clergy  and  four  monks,  who  could  min 
ister  to  the  soldiery  and  convert  such  of  the  natives  as 
the  sword  of  the  secular  arm  spared.  One  recruit  named 
Juan  Ortiz  unexpectedly  joined  the  army  in  Florida. 
He  had  been  captured  by  the  Indians  from  the  party  of 
de  Narvaez  ten  years  before.  He  had  mastered  the  Ind 
ian  tongue  and  was  able  to  make  himself  understood  by 
the  savages.  He  was  a  reinforcement  of  great  value. 

Nothing  that  the  forethought  of  de  Soto  could  sug 
gest  had  been  omitted  in  the  preparations.  He  ex 
pended  the  greater  part  of  his  private  fortune  in  fitting 
out  the  expedition.  There  were  shackles  for  the  slaves, 
savage  bloodhounds,  spare  armor,  tools,  portable  forges, 
and  a  small  falconet,  or  cannon.  They  had  with  them 
thirteen  breeding  sows  in  farrow,  from  which  they  ex 
pected  to  procure  large  numbers  of  porkers. 

On  the  1 5th  of  July,  the  army,  trumpeters  and  drum- 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi         9 

mcrs  in  the  lead,  plunged  into  the  depths  of  the  forest 
and  disappeared  in  the  Everglades.  Twenty-five  years 
before,  on  the  27th  of  March,  1513,  being  Easter 
Sunday,  old  Ponce  de  Leon  had  first  caught  sight  of 
the  green  and  smiling  shore.  Confident  that  within  its 
confines  flowed  the  wonderful  fountain  of  youth  for 
whose  rejuvenating  waters  his  soul  pined,  he  had  named 
it,  in  honor  of  the  day,  and  the  luxuriant  vegetation 
which  sprang  from  the  very  edge  of  the  sea,  Pascua 
Florida.  Surely  never  was  there  a  land  so  miscalled! 
Not  finding  the  fountain  of  youth,  Ponce  de  Leon  re 
turned  in  1531  and  was  killed.  In  1520  Vasquez  de 
Ayllon  had  coasted  along  its  shores  and  in  1525,  with 
the  witchery  of  its  beauty  still  over  his  soul,  like  de 
Leon  he  had  returned  and  had  been  slain  with  many  of 
his  followers. 

In  1528,  Pamphilio  de  Narvaez,  who  is  remembered 
only  for  his  vanity  and  his  misfortunes,  landed  with  six* 
hundred  men  upon  its  shores.  It  was  that  de  Narvaez 
who  had  been  sent  to  supersede  Cortez  in  Mexico.  Cor- 
tez  had  defeated  and  captured  de  Narvaez  and  his  men 
in  a  night  battle  in  which  their  commander  lost  his  eye, 
then  with  an  address  as  great  as  his  valor,  Cortez  per 
suaded  his  prisoners  to  desert  de  Narvaez  and  enlist  in 
his  service! 

"  Count  yourself  fortunate,"  said  de  Narvaez  to  Cor 
tez,  "  in  having  captured  me!  " 

"  It  is  the  least  of  things  I  have  done  in  Mexico," 
calmly  responded  the  conquistador. 

He  rated  his  captive  so  low  that  he  released  him 
and  sent  him  back.  In  spite  of  this  failure,  we  find 
him  in  1528  at  Tampa,  with  his  devoted  six  hundred. 
Their  adventures  were  one  long  tale  of  misfortune. 


io      Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

None  of  them  save  de  Vaca  and  his  three  companions 
whose  incredible  adventures  have  been  noticed,  ever  saw 
civilization  again.  In  the  gloomy  forests,  the  malarial 
swamps  and  the  depths  of  the  ocean  their  bones  lie 
bleaching. 

The  land  of  flowers?  Rather  the  land  of  blood !  Yet 
in  spite  of  these  things  the  army  of  de  Soto  set  forth 
with  a  stout  heart. 

The  ships  having  been  unloaded,  all  but  the  caravels 
which  were  kept  for  service  were  sent  back  to  Havana. 
The  soldierly  de  Soto  instituted  a  strict  regime.  The 
army  was  drawn  up  in  regular  order,  as  the  military  sci 
ence  of  the  day  indicated,  and  the  companies  marched 
and  preserved  their  different  stations  in  due  course.  It 
is  neither  profitable  nor  indeed  possible,  to  follow  the 
daily  wanderings  of  these  gay  cavaliers  in  the  hitherto 
untrodden  wastes  of  the  new  land.  In  spite  of  constant 
attacks,  with  their  superior  arms  and  equipment  they 
overbore  opposition  and  daily  penetrated  farther  and 
farther  into  the  continent.  Their  method  was  extremely 
effective.  De  Soto  got  possession  of  the  chief  of  any 
tribe  he  chanced  to  come  across  and  compelled  him  to 
furnish  a  sufficient  number  of  his  subjects  to  carry  the 
baggage  of  the  little  army  into  the  territory  of  the 
next  adjoining  ruler,  where  a  new  levy  of  forced  slaves 
would  be  made  and  a  certain  proportion  of  those  already 
impressed,  released  and  sent  back  to  their  own  land. 
The  plan  had  the  merit  of  simplicity  and  expedition, 
but  it  left  behind  a  smouldering  train  of  revenge,  and 
it  raised  before,  by  means  of  rumor  and  message,  a 
flaming  barrier  of  war  and  rebellion.  The  Spaniards 
were  brutal  and  licentious,  but  they  did  not  descend  to 
the  horrible  excesses  which  had  disgraced  almost  every 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi        n 

other  expedition.  De  Soto  was  an  angel  of  light  be 
side  men  like  Pizarro,  Pedrarias  and  Alvarado,  the  fierce 
lord  of  Guatemala. 

Sometimes  the  difficulties  they  encountered  were  tri 
fling,  sometimes  of  such  alarming  proportions  that  their 
very  existence  was  threatened;  sometimes  they  travelled 
through  great  forests,  sometimes  through  cultivated 
plains  teeming  with  broad-bladed  Indian  corn;  some 
times  they  struggled  desperately  to  extricate  themselves 
from  the  vast  swamps  in  which  they  became  enmired; 
sometimes  their  way  was  barred  by  rushing  rivers,  or, 
as  they  reached  what  are  now  Georgia  and  South  Caro 
lina,  by  long  broken  hills. 

One  of  the  most  serious  encounters  \vhich  they  had 
with  the  Indians  occurred  in  the  domain  of  a  chief  named 
Vitachuco,  in  what  is  now  Florida.  In  other  circum 
stances  and  with  other  chroniclers,  he  would  have  been 
called  a  patriot.  He  was  a  politic  savage,  and  on  the 
approach  of  de  Soto's  army,  though  he  had  threatened 
them  with  annihilation,  he  dissembled  and  received  them 
with  complaisance,  offering  them  hospitality.  The  old 
chroniclers  love  to  dwell  upon  the  splendid  appearance 
he  presented,  his  royal  dignity,  the  stately  and  gallant 
band  of  braves  who  attended  him,  whose  feathered  head 
dresses  lent  a  touch  of  grace  and  softness  to  the  fierce- 
eyed  faces  beneath  them.  The  courtesy  of  the  savage 
was  no  less  Castilian  than  that  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
the  meeting  of  the  savage-hearted  but  courtly  de  Soto 
and  the  courtly  hearted  but  savage  Vitachuco,  in  this 
new  corner  of  the  old  world,  is  a  scene  upon  which  the 
mind,  like  the  eye,  would  fain  dwell.  But  there  was 
black  treachery  in  the  hearts  of  both  men  in  spite  of  the 
veneer  of  politeness. 


12       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

It  was  Vitachuco's  plan  to  appoint  a  meeting  at  which 
de  Soto  would  be  invited  to  inspect  his  army.  Twelve 
trusted  followers  were  told  off  to  seize  the  unsuspect 
ing  Spaniard  and  a  general  massacre  was  to  ensue.  But 
the  Spanish  commander  had  not  come  there  a  boy. 
Suspicion,  scrutiny,  and  treachery  discovered  the  plot. 
At  the  meeting  de  Soto  had  every  Spaniard  under  arms. 
When  the  deluded  Indian  gave  the  signal,  instead  of 
being  able  to  seize  his  enemy,  he  found  himself,  in  spite 
of  his  gigantic  strength,  a  prisoner.  His  naked  war 
riors  threw  themselves  upon  the  mailclad  Europeans 
with  a  courage  that  deserved  a  better  fate.  They  made 
their  attack  in  vain.  Their  arrows,  though  shot  with 
amazing  skill,  fell  back  blunted  from  the  steel  cuirasses, 
the  spears  hurled  by  never  so  powerful  arms  had  not  the 
range  of  the  deadly  arquebuse,  and  the  rude  war  club 
was  no  match  for  the  Toledo  blade. 

After  being  slaughtered  by  hundreds,  seeing  their  chief 
an  impotent  captive,  they  broke  and  fled.  There  were 
two  lakes  near  the  battle  ground.  The  terrifying  Spanish 
vcavalry  headed  them  off  from  the  larger,  forcing  them 
to  make  for  the  smaller.  With  their  relentless  pursuers 
close  on  their  heels,  the  Indians  plunged  into  the  spark 
ling  waters.  They  were  great  swimmers  apparently,  for 
the  old  historians  relate  that  they  swam  about  for  thirty- 
six  hours! 

The  night  fell  and  the  Spaniards  encircled  the  lake 
and  prevented  a  single  savage  from  breaking  through 
the  cordon  of  steel.  As  an  evidence  of  their  implaca 
bility,  the  Spaniards  state  that  half  a  dozen  men  would 
swim  together  to  form  a  platform  in  the  water,  upon 
which  another  would  kneel  and  discharge  his  bolts  so 
long  as  he  had  an  arrow  left  in  his  quiver. 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi       13 

As  the  next  day  wore  on,  the  Spaniards  stopped 
shooting  at  them,  their  capture  or  death  being  inevita 
ble;  it  was  not  good  policy  to  waste  ammunition,  so 
the  two  parties  waited  in  grim  silence.  I  suspect  there 
must  have  been  shallow  places  in  the  water  of  which 
the  Spaniards  were  ignorant,  in  which  the  Indians  rested 
from  time  to  time.  The  persistence  of  the  conquerors 
finally  wore  out  the  resistance  of  the  conquered,  and  one 
by  one  they  came  out  on  the  bank — all  but  twelve  who 
refused  to  surrender  and  remained  in  the  water  until 
they  were  so  exhausted  that  de  Soto  sent  in  some  of 
his  men  who  were  good  swimmers  and  secured  them. 
Their  lives  were  spared. 

The  plan  of  Vitachuco  had  entirely  failed.  His  war 
riors  were  enslaved,  and  his  women  the  sport  of  the 
Spaniards,  but  the  spirit  of  the  savage  was  not  broken. 
A  fierce  heart  still  beat  in  his  breast.  Hero-like,  he  de 
termined  to  make  one  last  effort  for  freedom.  His  men 
still  outnumbered  the  Spaniards.  Upon  a  given  signal 
he  arranged  that  they  should  rise  and  with  whatsoever 
weapon  they  could  compass,  be  it  nothing  but  their 
fettered  hands,  they  should  overwhelm  their  captors.  He 
was  well  treated  by  de  Soto,  and  one  night  as  they  sat 
at  supper  together,  he  gave  the  signal  by  a  mighty  war 
whoop,  then  leaping  to  his  feet,  he  caught  the  Span 
iard  by  the  throat  and  dealt  him  a  furious  blow  in  the 
face  with  his  fist.  De  Soto  sank  senseless  to  the  floor. 
His  nose  was  broken,  his  face  smashed  in,  his  teeth 
knocked  out.  With  a  cry  of  exultation  the  savage 
sprang  upon  his  prostrate  foe,  and  it  was  not  until  the 
sword  of  an  attendant  was  plunged  through  his  body 
that  he  relaxed  his  iron  grasp.  In  obedience  to  the 
signal  the  savages  attempted  to  follow  the  example  of 


14      Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

their  chief,  but  the  attempt  never  presented  even  a  pos 
sibility  of  success.  Many  were  massacred  and  the  rest 
punished,  loaded  with  the  baggage  and  forced  to 
move  on.  That  was  the  end  of  Vitachuco's  bold  stroke 
for  liberty. 


III.    The  Defence  of  Mauvila 

The  adventurers  spent  the  first  winter  in  the 
fertile  country  of  Appalache.  D'Anasco,  at  the 
head  of  a  detachment,  discovered  that  bay  upon 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  from  which  the  unhappy  expedition 
of  de  Narvaez  had  set  forth  upon  that  last  voyage, 
from  which  they  had  never  returned.  Thirty  horsemen 
were  sent  back  to  the  camp  at  Tampa  to  bring  up  the 
remainder  of  the  army  which  had  been  left  behind.  The 
cavaliers  fought  their  way  down  and  the  rear  guard 
fought  its  way  up.  The  caravels  sailed  up  the  coast  and 
under  the  orders  of  de  Soto  made  their  way  westward 
some  distance  along  the  shore  and  finally  discovered  the 
harbor  of  Pensacola.  Thence  the  governor  sent  the 
vessels  back  to  Havana  with  letters  to  Donna  Isabella, 
and  glowing  accounts  of  what  they  had  discovered  and 
the  brilliant  prospects  before  them.  The  ships  under  the 
command  of  Maldonado  were  ordered  to  procure  a  re- 
enforcement  of  men,  horses  and  ammunition  and  re 
turn  to  Florida  the  next  October. 

When  the  spring  came,  the  men  and  horses  refreshed 
by  their  pleasant  sojourn  in  the  land  of  peace  and  plenty, 
took  up  their  march  to  the  northeast  again.  The  year 
was  a  repetition  of  the  preceding  one.  When  they  ad 
vanced  as  far  as  the  Savannah  River  in  South  Carolina, 
they  entered  the  land  of  Cofachiqui,  which  was  ruled 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi       15 

by  a  woman,  a  princess  upon  whose  beauties  of  mind 
and  person  the  Spanish  chronicles  have  dilated.  She 
probably  had  no  more  claim  to  beauty  than  Dulcinea 
del  Toboso!  At  any  rate,  draped  in  grass  cloth  and 
cotton,  crested  with  feathers  and  gleaming  with  pearls, 
she  came  floating  down  the  Savannah  River  like  Cleo 
patra  coming  to  Antony.  There  was  more  Castilian 
courtesy,  and  black  treachery,  the  latter  being  on  the 
part  of  the  Spaniards  only.  There  is  another  fine  story 
of  a  string  of  pearls  as  large  as  hazelnuts  which  the 
princess  removed  from  her  dusky  neck  and  threw  over 
the  shoulders  of  de  Soto,  after  some  bashful  hesitation 
and  an  exhibition  of  maidenly  modesty,  which  show 
that  there  was  not  a  great  difference  between  the  women 
of  the  old  world  and  those  of  the  new.  There  was  a 
ring,  too,  which  de  Soto  plucked  from  his  own  finger 
and  placed  upon  that  of  the  princess;  which  he  meant 
to  get  back  later  on  (I  am  happy  to  say  that  he  never 
got  it). 

The  usual  demand  for  slaves  and  so  forth — things 
too  grim  to  be  told  on  pages  polite  covered  by  that 
et  cetera — was  made.  The  little  princess  was  made  a 
close  prisoner  and  her  people  were  treated  with  the  usual 
rigor.  Observing  the  desire  of  the  explorers  for  pearls 
she  led  them  to  barbaric  temples  and  decaying  sepul 
chres  and  exposed  to  their  greedy  gaze  piles  of  the 
translucent  gems.  With  their  usual  extravagance,  the 
writers  tell  us  of  heaps  so  large  that  they  could  only 
be  estimated  in  bushels.  Save  a  necklace  or  two  for 
each  individual,  a  handful  which  even  the  commonest 
soldier  could  carry,  a  few  hundreds  for  the  royal  treas 
ury  and  a  choice  boxful  for  his  own  use,  which  the 
princess  was  allowed  to  carry,  de  Soto  compelled  his 


1 6       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

followers  to  leave  the  bulk  of  them  until  they  should 
return.  It  is  pleasant  to  relate  that  the  princess  es 
caped  with  the  box  of  choicest  pearls  and  de  Soto's 
ring  and  was  not  recaptured. 

In  one  place  after  showing  the  people  the  terrible 
power  of  the  weapon  by  firing  at  a  large  tree  until  it 
was  knocked  over,  they  left  their  only  piece  of  artil 
lery,  too  cumbersome  for  transportation.  The  explorers 
pushed  their  way  upward  and  westward  into  South  Caro 
lina  across  the  foothills  of  the  Appalachians,  and  gazed 
in  admiration  upon  the  mighty  mountain  range  which 
barred  their  path.  They  then  turned  to  the  south  and 
moved  down  through  Alabama  and  entered  the  do 
mains  of  a  renowned  chief  named  Tuscaloosa,  a  giant 
in  stature.  His  welcome  was  none  of  the  warmest,  but 
with  careless  indifference  to  anything  the  Indians  might 
do,  they  persisted  in  their  advance.  The  wily  savage 
with  specious  promises  of  royal  entertainment  led  the 
army  toward  his  capital  city  of  palisades  and  thatch, 
which  he  called  Mauvila;  a  name  perpetuated  by  the 
modern  city  of  Mobile,  a  few  miles  farther  down  the 
same  river.  It  was  a  well-fortified  place  according  to 
Indian  standards,  located  on  a  beautiful  meadow,  upon 
a  neck  of  land  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  the  rapidly 
rushing  Alabama  River.  It  was  enclosed  by  a  palisade 
fastened  together  by  vines;  the  spaces  between  the  logs 
were  filled  with  thick  masses  of  mud  and  straw  and  many 
of  the  tree  trunks  had  taken  root,  so  that  the  town  was 
surrounded  by  a  wall  of  living  green. 

The  main  body  of  the  army  halted  one  night  five  miles 
away  from  the  village.  The  next  morning,  October 
1 8th,  1540,  de  Soto,  with  one  hundred  cavaliers  and  foot 
men,  followed  by  the  usual  melancholy  train  of  slaves 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi        17 

bearing  the  baggage,  set  forth  for  the  town.  He  left 
orders  for  Moscoso  to  break  camp  and  follow  him  with 
the  main  army  at  once. 

Led  by  the  chief,  de  Soto  and  the  advance  guard  en 
tered  the  walls.  The  slaves  and  the  baggage  were  left 
hard  by  the  gate  outside.  The  place  was  crowded  with 
warriors,  and  while  there  were  many  women,  scarcely 
less  fierce  looking  than  their  lords,  the  absence  of  chil 
dren  was  noted.  The  Spaniards,  however,  fearlessly  oc 
cupied  the  houses  assigned  to  them,  and  by  de  Soto's 
orders  prepared  breakfast.  Tuscaloosa  had  withdrawn 
upon  some  pretext,  and  when  breakfast  was  ready  he 
was  summoned.  Juan  Ortiz,  who  carried  the  message, 
was  treated  with  contumely  and  compelled  to  repeat 
it  several  times.  In  the  thatched  houses  of  the  Ind 
ians  a  fierce  debate  was  going  on.  The  discussion  was 
as  to  whether  they  should  attack  immediately,  or  wait 
until  the  whole  army  had  been  gathered  within  the 
town  and  finish  the  affair  with  one  blow.  The  latter 
plan  was  favored  by  the  elders,  but  the  impetuosity  of 
the  young  men  could  not  be  restrained.  One  of  them 
followed  Ortiz  out  of  the  house  and  lifted  his  bow, 
shouting  defiance. 

De  Gallegos  saw  the  movement  and  whipping  out 
his  sword  cut  him  from  the  shoulder  to  the  waist. 
The  son  of  the  dead  chief  drew  his  bow  and  launched 
six  arrows  in  quick  succession.  They  all  rebounded 
harmlessly  from  the  armor  of  de  Gallegos,  and,  seeing 
their  futility,  the  Indian  sprang  upon  him  and  dealt 
him  such  a  blow  with  the  oaken  bow  that  he  only 
succeeded  in  saving  his  life  by  passing  his  sword 
through  his  assailant's  body. 

From  every  house  and  hiding  place  the  Indians  came 


1 8       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

running  with  yells  of  hatred.  They  struck  the  aston 
ished  Spaniards  with  the  force  of  a  tempest.  Resist 
ance  under  the  circumstances  was  suicide.  The  Span 
iards  turned  and  fled  at  their  highest  speed  to  get  out 
of  the  town.  They  broke  through  the  gate  which  the 
precipitate  attack  had  prevented  from  being  closed  and 
then  ran  toward  their  horses,  which  were  tethered  out 
side  under  the  trees.  Some  of  them  were  shot  down 
on  the  way.  A  few  mounted  and  most  of  the  others 
cut  the  bridles  so  that  the  priceless  animals  escaped. 
The  horsemen  threw  themselves  upon  the  advancing 
Indians  and  checked  their  onrush  until  the  rest  of  the 
band  formed  up  and  advanced,  and  the  Indians  were 
driven  back  into  the  walls.  The  Spaniards  attempted 
to  storm  the  place  but  they  were  met  with  such  a 
volley  of  arrows  that  they  retreated  once  more,  again 
pursued  by  the  Indians.  This  advancing  and  retreat 
ing  was  kept  up  for  four  long  hours  of  hard  fighting. 

Meanwhile  the  slaves  had  carried  their  loads  within 
the  walls.  They  were  freed  from  their  fetters  and 
given  weapons.  The  hatreds  engendered  in  their  cap 
tivity  made  them  not  less  desperate  than  the  savage 
Alabamans.  Finally  de  Soto  determined  to  break  into 
the  town.  The  Spaniards  were  smarting  with  wounds 
and  mad  with  rage.  Dismounting  from  their  horses, 
under  the  cover  of  their  shields  they  advanced  to  the 
gate.  In  spite  of  the  arrows  which  were  rained  upon 
them  they  beat  it  down  with  axes  and  broke  into  the 
enclosure.  The  Indians  met  them  in  solid  ranks.  They 
were  cut  down  in  numbers  but  came  on  with  most  de 
termined  fury.  By  the  command  of  the  chief  the 
women,  seizing  weapons  from  the  strewn  ground,  threw 
themselves  upon  the  foe.  The  Spanish  position  was 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi       19 

desperate.  Bidding  the  men  hold  on,  de  Soto  and  de 
Tobar  ran  back  outside,  sprang  upon  their  horses  and 
charged  up  the  narrow  streets  through  the  seething 
mass  of  Indians.  Back  and  forth  they  rode,  hewing 
and  slaughtering,  the  iron  hoofs  of  the  horses  crush 
ing  the  life  out  of  the  prostrate  savages.  Missiles  were 
rained  upon  them,  but  they  bore  charmed  lives.  Sounds 
of  their  war  cries  infused  new  spirit  into  the  men. 
Finally  as  de  Soto  rose  in  the  stirrups  to  deliver  a 
blow,  an  arrow  pierced  him  in  the  unarmored  thigh. 
There  was  no  time  to  take  it  out  then,  and  he  rode 
through  the  rest  of  the  battle  standing  in  the  stirrups, 
a  great  feat  of  horsemanship  and  courage  of  which  his 
followers  were  justly  proud. 

The  Spaniards  finally  succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the 
thatched  houses,  and  flame  added  its  terror  to  the  scene. 
The  battle  had  raged  for  eight  hours,  when  about  four 
o'clock  the  main  body  of  the  army  under  Moscoso, 
which  had  been  loitering  along  under  the  trees,  came 
in  sight  of  the  village.  The  crackling  flames  and  roll 
ing  columns  of  smoke,  the  wild  yells  of  the  Indians, 
and  the  war  cries  of  the  Spaniards  apprised  them  of  the 
situation.  Throwing  aside  everything  but  their  weapons, 
the  cavaliers  galloped  forward  with  the  foot  soldiers 
close  behind  them  and  entered  the  town.  Throwing 
themselves  in  front  of  their  broken,  exhausted  com 
panions,  they  swept  the  Indians  resistlessly  before  them. 
Men  and  women  were  indiscriminately  slaughtered.  The 
brave  savages  fought  until  they  were  cut  down  to  a 
man.  It  is  related  that  the  last  Indian  left  alive  ran 
to  the  wall  and  sprang  upon  it.  When  he  saw  that 
escape  was  cut  off  by  bodies  of  Spaniards  he  shook  his 
fist  in  defiance,  caught  his  bowstring  about  his  neck 


20      Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

and  hanged  himself  from  the  palisades !  Spain  in  its  palm 
iest  days  never  produced  a  more  devoted  soldier. 

There  was  not  a  living  Indian,  not  even  a  wounded 
one,  to  be  seen.  The  village  was  a  roaring  furnace. 
Eighty-two  Spaniards  had  been  killed  outright,  eigh 
teen  of  them  having  been  shot  in  the  face.  There  were 
two  hundred  and  fifty  badly  wounded  and  fifty  horses 
had  been  slain — an  irreparable  loss.  The  inefficient  sur 
geons  had  hundreds  of  serious  wounds  to  dress!  Most 
of  their  baggage  had  been  burned  in  the  town,  includ 
ing  all  of  the  medical  stores.  In  default  of  anything 
better  they  dressed  their  wounds  with  the  fat  extracted 
from  the  bodies  of  the  dead  Indians. 

The  vessels  for  the  celebration  of  the  mass  and  the 
wheat  flour  for  the  bread  had  been  lost  as  well.  Hence 
forth  there  was  no  mass  on  that  journey.  The  priests, 
robed  in  vestments  of  skins  of  wild  animals,  would 
stand  before  the  rude  altars  and  repeat  the  service  from 
memory;  nothing  more.  Dry  mass,  the  soldiers  called  it. 

They  were  not  troubled  by  the  Indians  of  that  tribe 
any  further,  for  the  reason  that  there  were  none  left — 
all  were  killed.  As  Tuscaloosa  was  never  heard  of  after 
ward,  it  is  supposed  that  he  perished  in  the  destruction 
of  his  people.  His  brave  efforts  were  as  useless  as 
Vitachuco's.  The  Spanish  accounts  of  the  slain  range 
from  eleven  thousand  to  twenty-five  hundred,  the  lat 
ter  figure  probably  being  more  nearly  correct. 

From  messengers  and  Indians  they  here  learned  that 
they  were  but  six  days'  march  from  Pensacola,  which 
was  the  place  where  they  were  to  meet  the  ships.  They 
had  found  no  gold,  nothing  but  marching  and  fighting 
had  been  their  lot,  and  a  natural  longing  for  home  filled 
their  minds.  Seeing  no  way  of  bending  their  inflexible 


De  Soto    Discovering  the   Mississippi. 


Menendez  de  Avilez. 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi       21 

leader,  a  conspiracy  was  hatched  among  the  most  dis 
contented,  to  seize  his  person  and  abandon  the  expedi 
tion.  If  they  had  succeeded  de  Soto  would  have  been 
carried  back  to  Spain  broken  in  fortune  and  ruined  in 
fame.  He  was  resolute  to  press  on.  In  spite  of  all  he 
still  dreamed  of  conquests,  still  hoped  to  retrieve  his 
fortune.  He  knew  too  well  what  the  royal  gratitude 
was.  It  was  only  consequent  upon  success. 

For  instance:  in  the  year  1544,  an  old  man  forced 
his  way  through  the  crowd  of  courtiers  to  the  carnage 
of  Charles  V. 

"  Who  are  you?  "  asked  that  monarch,  looking  wrath- 
fully  at  the  presuming  intruder. 

"  A  man  who  has  added  to  your  empire  more  king 
doms  than  the  number  of  cities  you  inherited,"  replied 
the  broken  and  disgraced  Cortez. 

"  Drive  on,"  said  the  king  brutally  to  his  coachman, 
turning  his  back  on  the  man  whom  he  had  abandoned. 
Such  would  have  been  the  greeting  to  de  Soto  if  he 
had  failed. 

The  conspiracy  was  detected,  the  conspirators  severely 
punished,  and  under  the  orders  of  the  chief  the  little 
army  faced  to  the  northwest  and  abandoned  its  last 
chance  of  getting  home  by  way  of  the  sea. 

On  the  1 7th  of  December,  1540,  at  the  village  of 
Chicasa,  which  they  had  occupied  for  the  winter,  they 
were  surprised  at  midnight  by  an  overwhelming  force 
of  Indians  who  set  fire  to  the  negligently  guarded  camp. 
The  Spaniards,  at  first  panic-stricken,  were  rallied  by 
de  Soto,  de  Tobar  and  Vasconcelos.  De  Soto,  who 
slept  in  doublet  and  hose,  was  the  only  man  to  mount 
his  horse  in  this  action.  In  the  middle  of  the  fight  his 
saddle  turned  and  he  pitched  headlong  among  his  ene- 


22       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

mies.  There  was  a  furious  melee  over  the  body  of  the 
captain  but  he  finally  escaped.  It  was  found  afterward 
that  he  had  fought  for  an  hour  on  horseback  in  an  un- 
girthed  saddle.  It  was  not  for  nothing  that  he  had 
the  reputation  of  a  finished  horseman. 

Fourteen  men  and  fifty-seven  horses  were  killed  here, 
and  over  four  hundred  hogs,  which  were  penned  up  in 
the  middle  of  the  city  and  carefully  guarded,  were 
burned.  Only  the  young  porkers  who  were  small 
enough  to  run  between  the  logs  escaped.  The  Ind 
ians  regarded  a  hog  as  a  valuable  prize,  and  every  sav 
age  came  to  the  attack  with  three  ropes — one  for  a 
Spaniard,  one  for  a  horse,  and  one  for  a  hog.  The 
explorers  spent  that  winter  in  the  country  of  the 
Chickesaws,  in  a  deplorable  state  of  destitution.  In  the 
successive  fights  and  fires  everything  they  possessed, 
even  to  saddles,  had  been  lost. 

With  an  energy  which  cannot  be  too  much  admired, 
they  made  a  bellows  out  of  hides  and  two  old  arquebuse 
barrels,  and  set  to  work  to  re-temper  their  weapons  and 
make  new  saddles,  lances,  and  such  other  rude  equip 
ments  as  were  possible.  They  had  no  clothing  except 
a  few  skins  and  they  almost  perished  from  the  winter 
cold,  until  a  soldier  who  had  been  a  weaver,  Juan  Vega, 
made  some  grass  cloth  with  which  they  covered  their 
nakedness.  They  made  forays  throughout  the  surround 
ing  country  and  treated  the  Indians  with  most  brutal  and 
implacable  severity.  In  another  village  of  the  Chicke 
saws  which  they  had  gained  by  hard  fighting,  they  put 
everybody  to  death. 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi       23 


IV.    The  Father  of  Waters 

On  April  25th,  1541,  they  set  forward  once  more 
upon  the  march.  They  were  a  rude  array  of  sav 
age  men,  clad  in  the  skins  of  wild  beasts,  a  few 
of  them  riding  horses,  and  driving  a  small  drove 
of  swine,  their  rude  weapons  scarcely  differentiating 
them  from  the  surrounding  savages.  Heading  ever  west 
ward  and  northward,  early  in  the  month  of  May  (the 
exact  date  is  not  known),  the  advance  guard  broke 
through  the  dense  woodland  and  from  a  high  bluff 
(Latitude  35°  N.,  near  Memphis,  Tennessee)  beheld  the 
tawny,  turbid  flood  of  the  Mississippi  rolling  swiftly 
at  their  feet — Espiritu  Santo,  de  Soto  named  it.  Up 
and  down  as  far  as  the  eye  could  see,  spread  the  great 
river.  A  half  league  away  the  other  bank  confronted 
them. 

The  discovery  of  the  Mississippi,  together  with  his  mis 
fortunes,  are  the  incidents  which  have  served  to  per 
petuate  the  name  of  de  Soto,  otherwise  he  would  be 
remembered  as  lightly  as  de  Narvaez  or  the  others  whom 
the  primeval  forests  of  the  new  world  had  swallowed 
up.  The  importance  of  a  moment,  the  value  of  an  in 
cident,  is  rarely  known  until  viewed  through  the  per 
spective  of  centuries  of  time.  The  broken  de  Soto, 
who  saw  in  the  hurrying  flood  only  an  obstacle  in  his 
path,  little  dreamed  that  this  river  valley  was  to  be  the 
central  artery  of  a  great  empire,  not  yet  conceived  in 
the  womb  of  nations,  which  would  some  day  strike  his 
country  the  severest  blow  ever  dealt  to  Spanish  rule. 

Twenty-two  years  before,  Pineda  had  discovered  the 
delta  and  noted  the  vast  volume  of  fresh  water  poured 


24       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

into  the  Gulf.  Later  de  Vaca  crossed  one  of  the  mouths 
of  the  river.  One  hundred  and  thirty-two  years  after 
de  Soto,  the  undaunted  Jesuit  Marquette,  with  his  com 
panion  Joliet,  floated  down  from  far  Illinois  in  a  frail 
birch  canoe,  past  the  very  bluff  upon  which  the  Span 
iard  stood  and  upon  which  he  had  erected  a  huge  cross, 
taking  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  Spain. 
Ten  years  after  Marquette's  day,  the  intrepid  La  Salle 
traversed  the  entire  length  of  the  "  Father  of  Waters  "; 
and,  fascinated  by  its  majesty,  had  returned  hoping  to 
colonize  it,  only  to  die  by  assassination  on  the  Texas 
shore. 

In  1699,  Iberville  and  Bienville  built  a  fort  at  the 
mouth  of  the  delta  on  the  sun-bleached  sands  of  Biloxi 
and  claimed  the  country  in  the  name  of  France.  Years 
after,  while  floating  down  this  great  stream,  Aaron  Burr 
dreamed  of  empires  in  the  West,  and  on  its  banks  Philip 
Nolan  cursed  the  United  States!  It  was  to  be  a  track 
alike  for  the  palatial  steamer,  the  lumber  craft  and  the 
flatboat  of  primitive  traders,  one  of  whom  was  named 
Abraham  Lincoln.  Over  three  hundred  years  after  its 
discovery  Farragut  with  his  storm-beaten  prows  breasted 
the  rushing  current  and  awakened  its  quiet  shores  with 
the  thunder  of  his  guns. 

Commerce,  trade,  history,  past  and  future,  these  were 
nothing  to  the  melancholy,  desperate  de  Soto.  There 
was  but  one  talisman  to  fix  his  attention,  to  engage 
his  intelligence,  to  lead  him  on — the  bright  yellow 
precious  metal  was  still  before  his  imagination. 

Moving  down  the  river  until  he  found  a  place  where 
the  ground  sloped  gently  to  the  water's  edge,  the  Span 
iards  crossed  and  took  up  their  weary  march.  Drawing 
away  from  the  stream  the  tired  cavalcade  plodded  on 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi        25 

toward  the  northwest.  They  discovered  no  gold  but  on 
the  banks  of  the  White  River  in  Arkansas,  they  found 
something  more  precious  to  them  in  their  extremity, 
and  for  which  they  had  longed  ever  since  they  began 
their  wanderings,  and  that  was  salt. 

"  If  I  could  only  have  a  morsel  of  fresh  meat  and  a 
handful  of  salt,"  had  been  the  plaint  of  many  dying  men, 
"  I  think  I  could  live." 

Some  of  them  ate  it  so  greedily  that  they  died  of  it. 
By  and  by  in  despair  the  wretched  army  turned  to  the 
southward  and  dragged  its  way  down  to  the  Mississippi. 
Was  the  iron  will  of  the  conquistador  at  last  broken? 
Had  he  repented  the  decision  wrhich  led  him  away  from 
safety  after  Mauvila?  Was  the  natural  longing  to  see 
Donna  Isabella,  to  return  to  civilization  at  all  hazards, 
strong  enough  to  move  him?  No,  for  after  passing  the 
third  winter  in  the  province  of  Utiangue,  where  Juan 
Ortiz  died — a  great  loss — in  the  spring  time  they  kept 
on  still  exploring,  fighting,  hoping,  though  ever  mov 
ing  to  the  south.  Finally  they  struck  the  banks  of  the 
great  river  again  and  followed  its  winding  course  until 
they  reached  the  village  of  Guachoya,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Red  River. 

As  they  had  been  suffering  dreadful  hardships,  and 
fighting  frequent  battles,  they  were  glad  to  find  in 
Guachoya  a  friend.  Across  the  river  rose  the  great  town 
of  the  famous  Natchez.  De  Soto  would  have  liked  much 
to  cross  the  river  and  recuperate  his  men  within  its  walls, 
but  the  chief  of  the  Natchez  would  have  none  of  him. 
When  the  Spaniard,  resorting  to  diplomacy  instead  of 
force  on  account  of  the  condition  of  his  men,  announced 
himself  as  the  "  Child  of  the  Sun,"  the  old  chief  told  him 
to  dry  up  the  river  and  come  over  and  he  would  believe 


26      Colonial   Fights  and   Fighters 

him.    Alas,  the  end  of  all  things  for  the  Child  of  the  Sun 
was  approaching. 

V.     The  Melancholy  End 

Halting  here  uncertainly,  de  Soto  was  seized  with  a 
wasting  fever  which  never  left  him.  In  spite  of  his  reso 
lute  will  he  was  forced  to  take  to  his  rude  couch,  where 
he  grew  speedily  worse.  There  is  something  manly  and 
attractive  in  the  way  in  which  he  met  his  death.  His  life 
had  been  hard,  stern,  cruel,  and  merciless.  Ruthless  and 
treacherous,  he  had  partaken  of  all  the  vices  of  his  age 
and  nation,  but  there  had  been  in  him  a  magnificent  cour 
age,  a  cool  hardihood,  forethought  for  his  men,  an  open- 
hearted  generosity.  Here  and  there  were  sparks  of  jus 
tice  in  his  dealings  with  the  Indians;  once  in  a  while 
touches  of  mercy,  standing  out  bright  before  the  black 
background  against  which  they  were  exhibited.  These 
have  half  redeemed  his  fame.  He  had  been  the  noblest, 
the  highest,  and  the  best  of  the  great  explorers,  and  was 
now  the  poorest  and  most  miserable.  He  had  everything 
to  live  for  when  he  set  sail  from  San  Lucar  and  nothing 
was  left  of  his  possessions  now,  except  the  rude  hut  on 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  two  slaves,  three  horses,  and 
a  few  swine.  Disappointment  and  despair  had  broken 
even  his  resolute  soul.  All  his  toil,  labor,  sacrifice,  devo 
tion,  courage,  had  come  to  naught.  It  all  ended  here  on 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi. 

He  made  his  final  preparations  for  death  like  a  good 
Christian,  writing  his  will  and  testament  in  cipher  on  a 
scrap  of  paper,  confessing  his  sins  and  making  his  peace 
with  Heaven.  With  prudent  forethought  he  called  his 
followers  about  him  before  he  died.  He  had  been  a  stern 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi       27 

master  but  they  loved  him.  Many  of  them  had  followed 
him  over  the  mountain  passes  of  Peru,  they  had  ruffled  it 
with  him  at  the  court  of  Spain,  they  had  fought  shoulder 
to  shoulder  in  the  everglades  of  Florida,  charged  with 
him  in  the  flames  of  Mauvila.  Some  like  de  Tobar  and 
Moscoso  had  felt  the  weight  of  his  stern  displeasure. 
These  things  were  forgotten  now.  They  remembered 
him  as  the  indomitable,  heroic,  courageous,  far-seeing 
captain.  If  there  was  a  lack  of  other  comforts,  there  were 
tears  and  affection  about  his  deathbed.  In  quaint  words, 
which  have  a  genuine  ring  read  to-day  after  a  lapse  of 
centuries,  Balthazar  de  Gallegos,  acting  as  spokesman 
for  the  rest,  delivered  a  homily,  words  of  condolence  and 
comfort,  which  were  agreeable  to  the  ears  of  the  dying 
man. 

Wishing  to  avoid  dissension,  de  Soto  bade  them  choose 
a  successor,  to  whom  he  could  commit  the  command. 
With  one  accord,  they  left  the  determination  to  him,  and 
his  eyes  turned  to  Moscoso,  his  early  friend,  a  decision  in 
which  the  others  cheerfully  acquiesced.  At  de  Soto's 
request,  the  officers  and  principal  men  of  the  depleted 
army  swore  allegiance  to  the  new  commander  in  his  hut, 
and  then  all  the  Spaniards  in  groups  of  twenty  passed  be 
side  the  bed  of  the  dying  commander  and  bade  him  fare 
well. 

He  died  next  day,  the  2ist  of  May,  1542,  having  been 
ill  but  seven  days.  The  fever  of  the  body,  which  with 
increasing  virulence  burned  up  his  life,  was  typical  of  the 
fever  of  his  soul,  which  had  led  him  to  this  untimely  end. 
His  death  came  in  the  delirium  of  fever  in  which  his  mind 
reverted  to  Peru,  to  Spain,  and  to  Havana,  where  the 
lonely  Donna  Isabella  stood  waiting  on  the  strand. 

Concealing  the  death  of  the  "  Child  of  the  Sun  "  from 


28       Colonial   Fights  and  Fighters 

the  Indians,  lest  their  prestige  should  diminish,  Moscoso 
caused  the  corpse  to  be  hidden  for  three  days,  while  the 
boldiers  were  compelled  to  dissemble  their  grief  by  out 
ward  manifestations  of  joy  and  cheer.  At  the  end  of  that 
time,  at  the  dead  of  night,  they  buried  their  great  com 
mander  in  a  deep  grave  outside  the  village;  but  the 
shrewd  Indians  suspected  something,  and,  in  great  fear 
lest  they  should  dig  up  the  plain  and  find  the  body,  Mos 
coso  determined  to  disinter  it  and  sink  it  in  the  river. 

D'Afiasco  and  four  other  captains  soon  found  a  place 
over  a  hundred  feet  deep,  which  they  thought  would  suit. 
The  next  night  the  body  was  exhumed,  and  as  there  were 
no  stones  to  weight  it,  it  was  wrapped  in  mantles  which 
were  filled  with  sand  and  carefully  secured.  At  midnight 
a  little  party  rowed  softly  out  to  midstream,  and  there, 
with  a  muttered  prayer  from  the  priests,  the  cavaliers 
gently  lowered  the  body  over  the  side  of  the  boat,  and 
with  a  sullen  splash  it  sank  beneath  the  surface.  The 
mighty  mass  of  water  rushed  silently  on  over  the  iron 
heart,  now  so  still,  which  had  once  beat  so  fiercely  in  his 
breast.  The  night  wind  in  the  trees  sang  his  requiem 
as  they  rowed  back  to  the  shore  and  left  him.  Surely 
earth  knows  no  grander  sepulchre  and  the  hand  of  man 
cannot  rear  so  noble  a  monument  as  the  great  river  which 
was  the  one  and  the  other  to  the  soldier  now  at  rest. 

What  need  to  dwell  upon  the  melancholy  story  further? 

He  had  charged  upon  the  survivors  to  convert  the  na 
tives  of  the  country  to  the  Roman  faith,  and  add  all  they 
could  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  and  he  advised  them  to  live 
in  peace  and  love  with  one  another.  These  things  they 
mainly  forgot.  There  was  but  one  thought  in  every 
mind,  one  desire  in  every  heart,  when  the  leader  died — 
to  get  home!  There  were  two  ways  open:  one  over- 


De  Soto  and  the  Mississippi       29 

land  to  Mexico,  and  the  other  down  to  the  sea  by 
way  of  the  river.  Ignorant  of  the  distance  and  imagin 
ing  themselves  to  be  much  nearer  the  country  of  Cortez, 
they  decided  to  go  overland. 

For  five  weary  months  the  survivors  struggled  west 
ward  until  they  came  to  the  great  deserts  of  Arizona. 
There  they  halted,  and  after  exploring  in  various  direc 
tions,  in  despair  they  turned  back  toward  the  river,  which 
they  reached  in  December,  1542. 

They  wintered  near  the  village  of  Guachoya  again 
and  set  to  work  building  boats.  Fortunately  for  them, 
through  all  their  wanderings  they  preserved  one  saw.  It 
proved  to  be  their  most  priceless  possession.  The  en 
terprise  and  ingenuity  of  the  Spaniards  were  astonishing. 
Every  bit  of  iron  they  possessed  except  swords  was  forged 
into  nails.  The  winter  was  a  severe  one  and  they  only 
sustained  life  while  they  worked,  by  ruthlessly  appropri 
ating  every  grain  of  corn  from  the  surrounding  villages. 
So  great  were  their  exactions  that  the  helpless  Indians 
died  of  starvation  in  scores.  Here,  too,  died  the  gallant 
de  Tobar.  Poor  little  Isabella  and  the  baby,  a  sad  end 
ing  to  their  love  story! 

At  the  expiration  of  five  months  they  had  succeeded 
in  building  crazy  boats  in  which  they  embarked  and 
floated  down  the  river  pursued  by  a  great  fleet  of  war 
canoes  of  the  Natchez.  One  of  the  boats  was  captured 
with  its  crew,  the  horses  reduced  to  twelve  in  number 
were  abandoned,  and  finally,  on  the  i8th  of  July,  the  flo 
tilla  reached  the  sea.  There  was  divided  counsel  again. 
Some  of  them,  led  by  d'Afiasco,  who  had  retained  a  rude 
jackstaff  through  all  his  wanderings  and  who  had  some 
pretensions  to  the  art  of  navigation,  were  for  sailing  away 
toward  Havana.  They  tried  it  for  a  day  or  two,  but  were 


30       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

driven  westward  by  a  storm  and  abandoned  the  attempt, 
running  along  the  shore  toward  Mexico.  On  the  loth 
of  September,  1543,  four  years  and  four  months  from  the 
day  they  left  Havana,  they  reached  the  Panuco  River  in 
Mexico,  and  were  soon  safe  among  their  own  people. 

Three  hundred  gaunt,  haggard,  starving,  broken  men, 
naked,  shoeless,  hatless,  with  neither  equipment  nor 
weapon,  save  here  and  there  a  dulled  sword  which  their 
feeble  arms  could  scarcely  lift,  were  all  that  were  left  of 
the  proudest,  gayest,  and  most  splendid  little  army  that 
had  ever  debarked  upon  our  shores. 

Donna  Isabella  had  sent  out  several  expeditions 
from  Havana  in  all  directions  to  seek  for  traces  of  her 
missing  lord,  but  they  secured  no  tidings  of  de  Soto. 
Three  years'  silence  had  broken  her  spirit.  When  the 
word  did  come  from  Mexico  of  the  unfortunate  end  of 
the  expedition  and  the  death  of  her  husband,  like  a  true 
and  loving  woman,  having  nothing  left  to  live  for,  she 
quietly  folded  her  hands  and  died  of  a  broken  heart. 


PART  I 
IN  THE  AGE   OF   DISCOVERY 

II 

The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues 


THE    REVENGE    OF    DE    GOURGUES 

I.    The  Huguenot  Colonies 

OF  all  the  passions  which  have  raged  in  human 
beasts  those  engendered  in  the  holy  name 
of  religion  have  been  the  worst,  and  the  wars 
of  the  most  implacable  ferocity  have  been  waged  be 
tween  clashing  creeds.  The  ordinary  method  of  en 
forcing  particular  interpretations  of  the  will  of  God 
has  been  at  the  point  of  the  sword,  and  the  attempt  to 
propagate  a  new  faith,  or  uphold  an  old  one,  has  usually 
resulted  in  the  development  of  the  most  hellish  passions. 
'Twas  religious  bigotry  writ  the  word  "  deicide  "  in  human 
vocabulary  and  stamped  forever  upon  the  world's  face  the 
sign  of  the  cross.  Since  the  hillock  of  Golgotha,  so  far 
had  men  strayed  from  the  teaching  of  the  Gentle  Master 
in  whose  Name  they  perpetrated  the  most  atrocious  cruel 
ties,  that  the  rack  and  the  fagot  went  hand  in  hand  with 
the  Bible  and  the  Priest,  and  the  ecclesiastic  became  the 
most  potent  factor  in  building  the  kingdom  of  God  upon 
a  foundation  of  hatred  and  force.  "  Kill  them  all!  "  an 
swered  the  fierce  abbot  to  the  soldier  who  asked  him  be 
fore  storming  a  town,  how,  in  the  confusion  of  the  sack, 
he  could  distinguish  the  saints  and  the  heretics.  "  Kill 
them  all!  God  will  know  His  own!  " 

On  the  1 2th  of  July,  1555,  fifty  years  before  John  Smith 
landed  at  Jamestown  and  sixty  years  before  the  May- 

3  33 


34       Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

flower  dropped  anchor  on  the  bleak  coast  of  Cape  Cod,  a 
little  party  of  French  Calvinists,  backed  by  Coligny,  and 
under  the  command  of  Durand  de  Villegagnon,  a 
Knight  of  Malta,  who  had  broken  his  monastic  vows  and 
was  coquetting  with  the  Huguenots,  landed  in  the  bay  of 
Rio  Janeiro,  Brazil. 

The  answer  of  France  to  the  famous  bull  of  the  Vice 
gerent  of  Heaven,  dividing  the  new  world  between  the 
great  maritime  powers,  Spain  and  Portugal,  was  the  ad 
vent  of  this  little  band  of  Protestants  to  found  a  state 
called  Antarctic  France !  For  several  years  they  dragged 
on  a  wearisome,  dreary,  precarious  existence,  as  did  other 
colonists  of  whatsoever  degree  at  that  period  of  the  six 
teenth  century.  Reinforcements  came  to  them  in  1557, 
containing  among  others  two  Calvinist  ministers  from 
Geneva,  the  first  Protestant  clergymen  to  set  foot  on  the 
western  hemisphere.  On  the  island  of  Villegagnon  in 
the  bay  of  Rio  Janeiro,  was  preached  the  first  Protestant 
sermon  ever  heard  on  this  half  of  the  world,  from  the 
fourth  verse  of  the  twenty-seventh  Psalm.  Quarrels 
arose  in  the  little  colony,  singularly  enough  at  first  about 
matters  of  ritual — they  have  been  going  on  ever  since 
in  the  Church  world,  by  the  way.  Villegagnon  proved 
to  be  a  scoundrel  and  pitched  three  of  the  Calvinists  into 
the  sea — they  gravely  call  him  the  Cain  of  America — de 
spatched  many  of  the  others  home,  and  finally  followed 
himself,  leaving  a  miserable  remnant  to  drag  out  a 
wretched  existence  until  they  were  slaughtered  to  a  man, 
by  the  Portuguese,  after  an  heroic  defence. 

Undaunted  by  this  failure,  Coligny  and  the  other  Hu 
guenot  leaders,  with  the  royal  sanction,  dreaming  of  the 
establishment  of  a  great  empire  on  the  one  hand,  a  place 
of  refuge  for  the  children  of  the  Reformed  faith  on  the 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues      35 

other,  sent  out  another  expedition  of  two  ships  under 
the  command  of  Jean  Frangois  Ribaut  in  1562.  On 
April  3Oth,  the  expedition  reached  the  coast  of  Florida. 
On  May  1st,  sailing  northward,  they  entered  the  great 
river  St.  Johns,  which  they  called  the  river  of  May, 
and  there  with  much  ceremony,  the  French  landed  and 
erected  a  column  of  stone  bearing  the  arms  of  the  king. 

It  was  not  an  unknown  world  at  the  time,  short  as  had 
been  the  period  which  had  elapsed  since  its  discovery. 
Within  its  confines  Ponce  de  Leon  had  searched  in  vain 
for  the  fountain  of  youth;  its  gloomy  boundaries  had  re 
ceived  the  expedition  of  de  Narvaez,  which  struggled 
with  privation  and  fever  and  savage  attack,  until  but 
four  of  them  were  left;  through  its  everglades  and 
swamps  had  toiled  the  proud  little  army  of  de  Soto,  the 
unhappy  discoverer  of  the  Mississippi.  No  colony  had 
been  established  upon  its  shores,  but  the  monarch  who 
sat  upon  the  throne  of  Spain,  the  wily  Philip  II.,  con 
firmed  therein  by  the  Pope,  claimed  the  territory  as 
his  own. 

The  ships  of  Ribaut  again  sailed  northward  until  they 
rounded  Hilton  Head,  and  anchored  in  the  quiet  waters 
which  awakened  to  the  thunder  of  the  guns  of  Dupont, 
three  hundred  years  after.  There  they  established  the 
first  actual  settlement  on  the  coast  of  North  America 
and  named  the  place  Port  Royal.  Leaving  thirty  of  his 
men  to  hold  possession,  the  only  Christians  in  the  wil 
derness  extending  from  the  Arctic  Circle  to  the  Carib 
bean,  Ribaut  returned  to  France.  The  cruelty  and  the 
ruthlessness  of  the  captain,  a  disinclination  to  work,  an 
ignorance  of  the  humbler  and  more  useful  arts,  soon 
plunged  the  colony  into  the  direst  distress.  The  com 
mander  was  murdered,  the  affections  of  the  Indians  alien- 


36       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

ated,  and  finally,  in  utter  despair,  they  built  themselves 
an  unseaworthy,  wretched  little  boat  and  set  forth  upon 
a  return  voyage  to  France;  considering  the  paucity  of 
their  resources,  it  was  an  appalling  undertaking.  The 
hardships  they  endured  on  that  memorable  voyage  were 
frightful.  Supplies  of  every  sort  gave  out,  and  in  their 
extremity  they  resorted  to  cannibalism.  The  lot  fell 
upon  one  of  their  number  and  he  was  killed  and  eaten. 
When  they  had  abandoned  hope  they  were  rescued  by  a 
wandering  English  ship. 

Undaunted  by  these  failures,  the  leaders  of  the  Hugue 
nots  persisted  in  their  plans,  and  on  June  25th,  1564,  a 
third  expedition,  consisting  of  three  ships,  the  largest  of 
120  tons  and  the  smallest  of  60  tons,  under  the  command 
of  the  distinguished  navigator  Rene  de  Laudonniere, 
again  entered  the  St.  Johns.  They  found  intact  the  pil 
lar  which  had  been  erected  by  Ribaut.  Ascending  the 
shallow  marshy-shored  river,  at  a  distance  of  about  eight 
miles  from  the  ocean,  they  came  to  a  high  bluff  which  de 
scended  inland  into  a  verdant  meadow  bordered  by  a  clear 
stream  and  surrounded  at  some  distance  by  primeval  for 
ests  growing  in  tropic  luxuriance.  There  the  delighted 
voyagers  at  once  set  to  erect  a  fortification,  which  they 
called  Fort  Caroline,  after  Charles  IX.  It  was  built  in 
the  form  of  a  triangle  with  bastions  at  each  point.  On 
the  land  side  there  was  a  ditch  and  rampart,  and  on  the 
river,  a  palisade.  Inside  were  quarters  for  the  men  and 
houses  for  the  officers.  Two  of  the  ships  returned  to 
France,  the  other  was  left  with  the  colonists. 

The  Indians  were  friendly  and  conceived  a  great  liking 
for  the  gay  debonair  Frenchmen.  It  was  summer,  and 
in  that  land  of  plenty  everyone  had  enough.  They  were 
halcyon  days  for  all.  The  colonists  were  composed 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues     37 

mainly  of  gentlemen,  adventurers  and  soldiers,  with  a 
sprinkling  of  criminals — it  was  common  practice  to  fill 
the  ranks  of  a  colony  by  resorting  to  the  prisons  and 
offering  liberty  in  the  new  land  to  those  who  would 
undertake  the  voyage.  There  were  few  artisans  and  no 
tillers  of  the  soil.  With  reckless  improvidence,  they  made 
no  provision  for  the  winter.  Policy  dictated  a  strict  neu 
trality  between  warring  tribes  of  Indians,  but  they  soon 
became  involved  in  the  local  savage  quarrels,  and  in  their 
time  of  need  the  natives  refused  to  furnish  them  with 
further  provisions.  Labor  of  any  kind  was  distasteful  to 
most  of  them.  In  similar  stress  John  Smith  had  re 
marked  sternly,  paraphrasing  an  older  saying,  "  He  that 
will  not  work,  neither  shall  he  eat."  When  he  said  that, 
he  more  than  promulgated  a  rule  of  local  application,  he 
laid  down  the  great  principle  of  national  existence. 
Upon  the  soil  and  the  tiller  of  it  depend,  as  upon  nothing 
else,  the  prosperity,  the  existence  even,  of  a  people.  No 
great  nation  has  ever  been  founded  solely  upon  the  ingot. 
The  dream  of  the  Frenchmen  was  for  another  Peru,  and 
their  eyes  were  constantly  turned  toward  the  fabled  gold 
mines  in  the  distant  Appalachians. 

Laudonniere  seems  to  have  been  a  well-meaning  man 
and  he  did  the  best  he  could  under  the  circumstances, 
but  he  finally  fell  very  ill,  and  when  his  iron  hand  relaxed 
its  grasp  of  the  situation  the  discontent  came  to  a  head. 
A  number  of  colonists  combined  and  seized  one  of  the 
vessels  in  the  harbor,  and  at  the  muzzle  of  an  arquebuse, 
with  the  threat  of  instant  death  in  case  of  refusal,  wrung 
a  reluctant  permission  from  the  helpless  commander,  to 
leave  the  rest  and  go  on  a  little  buccaneering  cruise  of 
their  own. 

The  pirates  were  lucky  enough  to  capture  a  Spanish 


38       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

brigantine,  and  in  several  successful  raids  in  the  Antilles, 
amassed  much  booty;  but  they  were  finally  overcome  off 
Jamaica  by  the  Spaniards  by  strategem;  many  were  killed 
or  captured  and  only  twenty-six  of  them  succeeded  in 
escaping  from  the  island.  There  was  nothing  for  them 
to  do  but  to  return  to  Fort  Caroline.  When  the  little 
vessel  reached  St.  Johns,  all  their  supplies  had  been  used 
except  two  barrels  of  wine.  To  fortify  themselves  against 
the  consequences  of  their  misdeeds  and  the  righteous  in 
dignation  of  Laudonniere,  they  proceeded  to  get  drunk, 
when  they  were  easily  apprehended  by  the  faithful  sol 
diers  of  the  garrison,  and  carried  before  their  commander. 
Four  of  them  were  promptly  sentenced  to  be  hanged. 
"  Comrades/'  said  one  as  the  sentence  was  about  to  be 
carried  out,  "  will  you  stand  by  and  see  us  hanged  like 
dogs?  "  "  These,"  said  Laudonniere  grimly,  "  are  not 
comrades  of  murderers  and  traitors."  However,  in 
obedience  to  the  requests  of  the  others,  the  ringleaders 
were  shot  instead  of  hanged.  The  colony  was  destined 
to  hear  from  this  expedition  later,  it  was  a  curse  that 
came  awfully  home. 

The  situation  of  the  colonists,  while  it  was  outwardly 
peaceful,  had  become  more  and  more  desperate.  They 
were  starving  and  dying  when  on  August  3d,  1565,  the 
watchman  on  the  bluff,  frantic  with  joy,  announced  the 
arrival  of  a  great  ship  flying  the  English  flag.  It  proved 
to  be  the  Jesus  of  seven  hundred  tons,  a  very  large  vessel 
for  the  time,  and  was  followed  by  three  smaller  ships 
all  under  the  command  of  Sir  John  Hawkins,  who  was 
the  pioneer  Englishman  to  engage  in  the  detestable  slave 
trade — then  considered  a  proper  avocation  for  a  gen 
tleman!  Hawkins,  who  had  put  into  the  river  because 
he  was  short  of  water,  was  kindly  disposed  toward  the 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues     39 

French  Protestants  and  offered  to  take  them  back  to 
France  in  his  squadron.  Laudonniere,  however,  pre 
ferred  to  purchase  from  him  one  of  the  smallest  of  his 
ships,  which  Hawkins  very  willingly  sold  to  him,  and 
with  mutual  expressions  of  esteem  they  separated.  The 
colonists  immediately  began  to  fit  out  the  ship  for  their 
return  voyage,  when  on  the  28th  of  August,  seven  other 
ships  were  seen  off  the  mouth  of  the  river.  Ignorant  of 
their  character,  the  colonists  sought  shelter  in  the  fort, 
and  on  the  following  day,  when  several  boat  loads  of 
heavily  armed  men  came  cautiously  up  the  river,  the  can 
non  of  the  fort  were  trained  upon  them.  It  was  soon 
discovered  that  the  newcomers  were  some  three  hundred 
Frenchmen,  under  the  command  of  Ribaut,  who  had 
been  sent,  as  before,  by  Coligny.  Among  them  was 
Robert,  the  first  Protestant  minister  to  set  foot  on  the 
continent  of  North  America. 

There  was  great  rejoicing  among  the  colonists  at  this 
unlooked-for  reenforcement,  and  many  discussions  were 
had  between  Ribaut,  Laudonniere  and  the  other  officers, 
while  the  ships  were  discharging  their  cargoes,  as  to  what 
was  best  to  be  done.  They  were  still  dreaming  of  the 
gold  mines  of  the  mythical  Appalache,  when  on  the  4th 
of  September,  about  midnight,  the  watchers  on  the  ships, 
which  were  still  anchored  outside  the  bar  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  became  aware  of  the  presence  of  a  huge  ves- 
sel-of-war,  followed  by  several  other  formidable  craft, 
which  silently  drifted  down  upon  them  in  the  stillness  of 
the  autumn  night.  Hails  passed  at  once,  and  the  French 
were  informed  that  the  first  ship  was  the  San  Pelayol  the 
flagship  of  a  Spanish  Armada  under  the  command  of 
Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles,  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
admirals  in  the  navy  of  Spain.  He  calmly  announced 


40       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

his  intention  of  extirpating  the  heretics  in  the  morning 
and  when  taunted  by  the  French  to  attempt  it  immedi 
ately,  he  endeavored  to  do  so.  The  ships  opened  fire 
upon  each  other,  but  the  more  mobile,  though  under 
manned,  French  ships  slipped  away  in  the  darkness  and 
got  to  sea,  followed  by  the  Spaniards. 

The  day  following,  the  people  on  shore,  who  had  heard 
the  firing  in  great  perturbation  of  spirit,  were  astonished 
to  find  their  own  ships  gone  and  a  stranger  flying  the 
yellow  flag  of  Spain,  the  San  Pelayo,  alone,  a  great  ship  of 
one  thousand  tons,  in  the  offing!  They  made  such  sturdy 
preparations  to  meet  her  with  the  smaller  vessels,  that, 
after  looking  at  the  fortifications,  Menendez  turned  the 
prow  of  his  ship  to  the  southward  and  soon  disappeared 
from  view.  A  few  days  afterward  an  Indian  war  party 
informed  them  that  the  Spaniards  had  landed  a  short  dis 
tance  down  the  coast  and  were  engaged  in  building  a 
fortification,  which  they  called  St.  Augustine,  and  that 
the  Pelayo  had  been  joined  by  many  other  ships.  The 
news  was  confirmed,  on  their  return,  by  the  four  French 
ships  which  had  run  to  sea  to  escape  the  Spanish  attack. 
There  was  thus  developed  a  situation  full  of  menace  and 
danger  for  the  French,  and  Ribaut,  Laudonniere,  an£  the 
officers  engaged  in  earnest  counsel. 

Several  plans  were  proposed.  One  was  for  them  to 
remain  where  they  were  and  receive  the  attack;  the  other 
to  leave  Fort  Caroline  and  march  boldly  upon  the  Span 
iards  before  they  had  time  to  fortify  themselves;  and  a 
third  was  for  every  available  man  to  go  aboard  the  ships 
and  make  a  sudden  dash  upon  the  Spanish  vessels  in  the 
harbor,  and  after  surprising  and  destroying  them,  com 
plete  the  annihilation  of  the  land  force.  Ribaut,  in  spite 
of  unanimous  opposition,  resolved  upon  the  latter  plan; 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues     41 

which  seems,  after  all,  to  have  promised  more  success 
than  the  others.  In  truth,  their  situation  was  well-nigh 
desperate.  Menendez  was  at  the  head  of  a  fleet  of  thirty- 
four  vessels,  carrying  twenty-six  hundred  men;  many  of 
his  ships  were  galleons  of  large  size,  and  among  his  forces 
were  veteran  companies  from  the  Low  Countries,  of  the 
famous  Spanish  infantry,  at  that  day  an  unsurpassed  sol 
diery.  Menendez,  himself,  was  well  worthy,  on  the  score 
of  ability,  of  the  great  trust  which  had  been  reposed  in 
him  and  the  honors  which  had  been  heaped  upon  him  by 
his  king. 

Of  a  noble  Asturian  family,  like  many  boys  past,  pres 
ent,  and  to  come,  at  an  early  age  he  ran  away  to  sea. 
He  had  fought  against  the  Barbary  pirates,  the  French 
and  the  English,  and  early  attained  high  rank  in  the 
service.  He  had  made  several  voyages  to  the  Indies  and 
had  amassed  great  wealth.  Though  he  had  at  one  time 
fallen  into  disrepute  with  his  capricious  master,  he  had 
lately  been  restored  to  favor  and  given  command  of  the 
whole  continent  from  Florida  north,  with  the  title  of 
Marquis  and  the  rank  of  Adelantando.  He  was  a  daring 
and  skilful  sailor,  a  distinguished  and  intrepid  captain. 
In  addition,  however,  to  the  usual  obligations  of  his  com 
mand,  he  had  been  intrusted  with  the  duty  of  driving 
out  the  Huguenots  who  had  impiously  presumed  to  sully 
the  soil  of  New  Spain  with  their  heretical  presence.  The 
prospect  enkindled  in  his  iron  breast  the  feelings  of  an 
ancient  warrior  of  the  Cross.  Some  of  the  Frenchmen 
from  Fort  Caroline,  who  had  been  captured  on  that  fatal 
pirating  excursion,  had  saved  their  lives  by  betraying  the 
location  of  the  French  colony.  Some  of  the  members 
of  the  Catholic  party  in  the  court  of  France  lie  under 
grave  suspicion  of  having  sent  word  to  Philip  of  the  plans 


42       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

of  the  Huguenots.  In  the  eye  of  the  Spanish  king  their 
presence  was  an  offence  to  God.  It  was  the  fond  hope  of 
Menendez  not  only  to  serve  his  country  and  king  but 
his  God  by  extirpating  these  heretics.  Fiske  calls  him, 
and  justly,  the  last  of  the  Crusaders.  Like  himself,  his 
followers  were  also  imbued  with  mixed  ideas;  they  too 
dreamed  of  serving  God  by  killing  Lutherans  and  con 
verting  savages;  of  finding  a  new  empire,  perhaps  an 
other  Mexico;  and,  incidentally,  of  turning  an  honest 
penny.  They  set  forth  upon  their  expedition  with  that 
intensity  of  purpose  which  has  ever  characterized  the 
Spanish  zealot.  So  important  was  the  matter  deemed 
by  Philip,  that  a  reenforcement  of  fifteen  hundred  men 
was  despatched  after  the  first  expedition  started. 

The  voyage  was  an  extremely  stormy  one  and  the  ships 
were  scattered  and  several  of  them  lost.  Menendez,  how 
ever,  made  a  stop  at  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico,  and  after  col 
lecting  five  or  six  of  the  larger  ships  containing  some 
seven  hundred  men  and  leaving  instructions  for  the  rest 
to  follow,  pursued  his  course,  until,  as  we  have  seen,  he 
fell  foul  of  the  French  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Johns,  and 
thereafter  established  St.  Augustine. 

On  the  loth  of  September,  Ribaut  and  his  men  with 
five  ships  set  forth  upon  their  daring  undertaking.  On 
the  nth  one  of  the  fiercest  gales  ever  recorded  blew  up 
on  the  coast.  The  sailors  of  Menendez  toiling  on  the 
ramparts  saw  the  weather-beaten  French  ships  tossing  to 
and  fro  in  the  fierce  wind  and  rain  on  the  gray  sky  line. 
For  several  days  the  tempest  continued  with  unabated 
violence.  The  pious  Spaniard  thought  he  detected  the 
hand  of  God  interfering  in  his  behalf.  All  danger  from 
the  French  was  at  an  end  while  the  storm  raged. 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues     43 


II.    The  Massacre  of  Fort  Caroline 

But  the  genius  of  Menendez  immediately  determined 
upon  his  plan.  While  the  French  ships  were  beating 
up  against  the  storm  and  endeavoring  to  claw  off  the 
dreaded  lee  shore,  he  would  fall  on  Fort  Caroline. 

Five  hundred  of  his  best  men  were  mustered  and  on 
the  1 7th  of  September  set  forth  upon  their  journey.  The 
rain  beat  upon  them  unceasingly  as  they  toiled  along 
under  prodigious  difficulties.  Sometimes  waist-deep  in 
water,  sometimes  sinking  into  treacherous  quagmires, 
picking  their  precarious  way  over  morasses,  cutting  down 
great  trees  to  bridge  the  swollen  streams,  with  incredible 
labors  they  slowly  advanced.  The  little  army  was  in  a 
chronic  state  of  mutiny  from  its  hardships,  and  nothing 
but  the  iron  hand  and  indomitable  resolution  of  the  leader 
controlled  it.  Finally  on  the  evening  of  Wednesday,  the 
1 9th  of  September,  they  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
fort. 

Menendez  assembled  his  men  and  in  the  drenching  rain 
he  made  them  one  of  the  fiery  speeches  which  he  could 
so  well  deliver.  They  had  made  their  march  and 
achieved  their  goal.  The  rest  of  the  task  he  assured  them 
would  be  easy  and  the  soul  of  the  man  who  was  killed 
in  the  attack  might  be  sure  of  a  swift  passage  into  Heaven 
by  the  favor  of  God,  since  it  was  in  His  cause  they  were 
imperilling  their  lives.  He  managed  to  infuse  into  his 
drooping  band  something  of  his  own  resolute  spirit  and 
during  the  night  the  stragglers  came  up  and  the  men 
ranged  themselves  in  orderly  ranks  ready  to  be  led 
against  the  hated  foe.  It  had  been  impossible  to  keep 
lighted,  or  to  light,  the  matches  of  the  arquebuses,  and 


44       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

they  were  discarded;  their  sole  reliance  was  upon  the 
sword. 

The  dawn  was  beginning"  to  break  through  the  rain- 
laden  atmosphere  when  two  officers  cautiously  descended 
to  the  meadow  and  captured  a  straggling  Frenchman. 
Confident  that  no  danger  was  to  be  apprehended  from 
any  foe  in  such  weather,  the  officer  of  the  guard,  La 
Vigne,  had  retired  to  his  quarters  and  most  of  the  sentries 
had  followed  his  example.  The  two  officers  dragged  the 
soldier  back  to  Menendez,  who  was  sheltered  behind  a 
hillock,  and  after  extorting  information  from  him  as  to 
the  situation  he  was  instantly  killed.  The  men  clamored 
to  be  led  forward.  Menendez  gave  the  word  of  com 
mand  and  silently  the  band  came  out  from  the  shelter  of 
the  trees  and  debouched  in  the  open.  A  trumpeter  who 
happened  to  be  awake  in  the  fort  saw  them  and  instantly 
sounded  the  alarm.  "  At  them!"  cried  Menendez. 
"  Santiago.  God  is  with  us.  Victory !  "  The  Spanish 
took  up  the  cries  and  sprang  over  the  ramparts  or 
through  the  breaches.  A  few  soldiers  who  had  run  from 
their  quarters  at  the  call  of  the  watchman  made  a  short 
but  brave  resistance.  Laudonniere  sprang  from  his  bed, 
seized  his  sword  and  shield  and  threw  himself,  half  naked, 
against  the  approaching  Spaniards.  There  was  a  fierce 
melee  within  the  walls  in  the  gray  rain  of  that  ghastly 
morning,  but  the  French  were  cut  down  almost  to  a  man. 
Seeing  resistance  was  useless,  Laudonniere  turned  and 
fled.  The  pursuers,  unfamiliar  with  the  way,  entangled 
themselves  in  the  tents  and  Laudonniere  leaped  the  pali 
sade  and  gained  the  woods.  A  number  of  others  were 
successful  in  escaping  with  him,  among  them  the  minister. 

Fifty  of  the  women  and  children  under  fifteen  years  of 
age  were  spared  by  the  orders  of  Menendez,  the  rest  of 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues     45 

the  people  in  the  fort  were  put  to  death,  a  number  of  them 
being  hanged  instead  of  stabbed.  Of  those  who  had  es 
caped  to  the  woods,  six,  ignorant  of  the  excesses  of  the 
Spaniards,  chose  to  go  back  and  give  themselves  upx, 
Their  comrades  who  watched  them  from  the  cover  of  the 
trees  saw  them  cut  down  ere  they  had  time  to  make  a 
remonstrance.  The  assailants  drunken  with  blood  lust, 
behaved  with  the  most  frightful  barbarity.  It  is  of  record 
that  they  plucked  out  the  eyes  of  the  dead  and  impaling 
them  on  the  points  of  their  swords  and  daggers  jerked 
them  across  the  river  with  cursings  and  imprecations  at 
the  three  remaining  ships  of  Ribaut's  squadron,  one  of 
which  was  commanded  by  his  son,  who  seems  to  have 
been  unworthy  of  his  great  father. 

When  the  rain  stopped  the  Spaniards  opened  fire  on 
these  ships;  one  was  sunk  and  the  others  fled.  Twenty- 
six  of  the  fugitives  under  Laudonniere  succeeded  in  gain 
ing  these  two  ships  and  after  great  hardships  reached  the 
coast  of  France.  The  number  of  killed  in  the  attack 
amounted  to  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  and  the  Span 
ish  gained  a  great  booty  by  the  sacking  of  the  fort. 
Above  the  heads  of  those  he  had  hanged,  the  Spaniard 
caused  to  be  fastened  a  huge  board  bearing  this  inscrip 
tion:  "  I  do  this  not  as  to  Frenchmen  but  as  to  Lutherans 
and  heretics!  "  At  the  close  of  the  day,  the  pious  Men- 
endez  wept  tears  of  joy  at  having  been  permitted  to  pro 
mote  the  cause  of  the  true  Church  in  this  happy  manner, 
and  almost  the  worst  feature  of  the  whole  affair  lies  in  the 
fact  that  his  tears  were  undoubtedly  genuine! 


46       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

III.    The  Line  in  the  Sand 

Pass  we  to  the  next  scene  in  this  trilogy  of  horror.  On 
the  afternoon  of  the  29th  of  September  two  hundred 
starving  Frenchmen  were  standing  bound  and  defence 
less  before  the  implacable  Menendez.  All  of  Ribaut's 
ships  had  been  wrecked  at  different  places  on  the  coast. 
This  particular  company  had  been  endeavoring  to  make 
Fort  Caroline,  of  whose  fate  they  were  ignorant  until 
informed  by  the  Spanish,  who  had  intercepted  them  at 
an  inlet  henceforth  known  as  Matanzas,  which  means 
"  slaughterings."  Weakened  by  privation,  exposure  and 
hunger,  they  had  placed  themselves  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Spanish  admiral — they  little  knew  its  quality!  After  the 
French  had  yielded  their  arms  they  had  been  ferried  across 
the  river  in  groups  of  ten,  and  after  being  well  fed — singu 
lar  act  of  complaisance  on  the  part  of  their  captors — they 
were  marched  behind  the  sand  hills  and  their  hands  se 
curely  bound.  It  was  evening  before  the  last  Frenchman 
was  brought  over. 

With  Menendez  was  Mendoza  the  priest,  and  at  his 
suggestion  inquiry  was  made  as  to  whether  any  of  the 
captives  were  Christians  (that  is  to  say  Catholics). 
Twelve  sailors  answered  in  the  affirmative.  These  with 
four  ship  carpenters  were  released  and  sent  by  boat  to 
St.  Augustine.  The  rest  were  ordered  to  take  up  their 
march  over  the  sand  dunes.  Menendez  and  Mendoza 
walked  silently  in  the  lead  followed  by  a  platoon  of  sol 
diery  and  then  the  bound,  dejected  prisoners,  closely 
guarded.  The  thoughtful  Spaniards  stopped  in  a  lonely 
hollow,  deep  among  the  tree-clad  hills.  Where  they 
stopped  Menendez  drew  a  long  line  in  the  sand  with  the 
cane  he  carried. 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues     47 

The  day  was  drawing  to  a  close.  The  sun  had  set, 
and  as  the  shades  of  night  descended  the  first  group  of 
the  Huguenots  reached  the  line.  Without  a  word  of 
command  the  Spanish  guards  fell  upon  them  with  sword 
and  halberd  and  hatchet,  and  bound  as  they  were,  cut 
them  down.  As  each  party  came  doggedly  on  it  met  a 
like  fate.  Did  they  front  death  with  the  courage  of  the 
warrior,  the  fortitude  of  the  martyr,  the  calmness  of  the 
philosopher?  Did  they  beg  life  in  anguish,  in  despair? 
Did  they  mingle  curses  with  groanings,  or  did  they  suffer 
in  silence?  We  know  not.  Not  a  Frenchman  survived 
to  tell  the  story  and  the  Spaniards  have  not  said.  Men- 
doza  the  priest  stood  by  thanking  God — exulting!  Te 
Deum  Laudamus.  "  In  religion,  what  damned  error  did 
ever  lack  a  sober  brow  to  bless  it  and  approve  it  with 
a  text?" 

When  all  was  over,  Menendez  and  his  band  went  on 
their  way  rejoicing,  but  not  all  the  waters  of  Heaven  could 
wash  from  the  shuddering  earth  that  red  line! 

His  work  was  not  yet  accomplished  however.  On  the 
loth  of  October,  off  Anastasia  Island,  he  met  Ribaut  and 
the  main  body  of  the  shipwrecked  French — some  three 
hundred  and  fifty  starved,  broken  men.  As  before,  a 
river  intervened  between  them  and  the  Spanish.  The 
French  were  incapable  of  making  any  resistance  to  the 
force  of  Menendez.  They  resorted  to  parley  and  it  is 
believed  received  some  promise  from  the  Spanish  captain 
that  their  lives  would  be  spared.  Ribaut,  who  seems  to 
have  been  a  man  of  heroic  breed,  would  scarcely  have 
consented  to  put  himself  in  the  power  of  the  enemy  with 
out  some  such  assurance.  At  any  rate,  he  arranged  to 
surrender.  Two  hundred  of  his  party,  however,  refused 
to  be  bound  by  his  convention  and  fled  to  the  southward. 


48       Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

The  remainder,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty, 
were  brought  across  the  stream.  Ribaut  himself  gave 
into  the  hands  of  the  admiral  the  royal  standard,  his  com 
missions  and  weapons,  etc.  As  before,  the  French  were 
brought  over  in  groups  of  ten.  While  the  first  party 
were  crossing  Ribaut  was  taken  behind  a  neighboring 
sand  hill  and  bound,  as  were  all  the  others. 

There  was  no  marching  this  time  and  no  red  line.  The 
envenomed  Spaniards  surrounded  the  bound  and  helpless 
prisoners.  "  Are  you  Catholics  or  Lutherans? "  they 
cried.  "  Will  any  here  go  to  confession? "  Calmly 
Ribaut  answered:  "  I  and  all  here  are  of  the  Reformed 
faith."  There  was  a  moment's  hesitation,  followed  by 
bitter  murmurs  of  rage  from  the  Spaniards.  The  voice 
of  the  old  man  reciting  the  I32d  Psalm  was  heard  in  the 
tumult:  "Memento  Domine."  "We  are  of  earth,  to 
earth  we  must  return,"  he  added.  "  Twenty  years  more 
or  less  can  matter  little."  He  turned  to  Menendez  and 
looked  at  him.  'Twas  such  a  look  as  the  Gentle  Master 
might  have  given  Peter  fifteen  centuries  before. 

Menendez  gave  the  signal.  By  his  direction  five 
youths  were  spared  and  the  rest  were  put  to  the  sword. 
At  the  last  moment  Ribaut  with  dauntless  courage  re 
proached  Menendez,  calling  upon  him  to  remember  his 
promise  that  their  lives  should  be  spared.  A  soldier  cut 
short  his  denunciations  by  plunging  a  dagger  into  his 
heart.  The  head  of  the  brave  old  Frenchman  was  cut  in 
four  pieces  and  mounted  upon  the  rain-washed  walls  of 
St.  Augustine.  The  two  hundred  men  who  had  fled  were 
subsequently  captured  by  the  Spanish,  who,  strange  to 
say,  kept  the  promises  which  were  made  and  spared  their 
lives,  though  they  were  treated  with  ignominy  and  shame. 
The  total  number  of  killed  in  the  various  massacres  ap- 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues     49 

pears  to  have  been  upwards  of  six  hundred  persons,  most 
of  them  cut  down  in  cold  blood. 

In  the  gloomy  gridiron  palace  in  the  mountains  of 
Guadaramas,  the  indefatigable  king  of  Spain  pursued  his 
life  of  mingled  debauchery  and  despatches.  There  was 
great  news  for  him  one  winter  morning.  A  letter  had 
arrived  from  the  new  world  from  the  trusted  Menendez. 
The  king  eagerly  opened  the  missive — out  of  it  dropped 
a  blood-stained  lock  of  Ribaut's  gray  beard!  He  read 
with  vivid  appreciation  of  the  contents,  and  when  he  had 
finished,  as  was  his  wont,  he  seized  the  royal  pen  and 
wrote  upon  it  a  few  sentences.  "  Say  to  him  that  as  to 
those  he  has  killed  he  has  done  well," — mark  the  tacit 
reproof  to  mercy  in  the  sentence — "  and  as  to  those  he 
has  saved  they  shall  be  sent  to  the  galleys."  Is  there  a 
more  frightful  picture  in  history  than  the  sombre  king 
penning  this  awful  endorsement  in  the  forbidding  cham 
bers  of  the  Escurial?  The  black  lines  traced  by  his  pen 
are  as  damning  as  the  red  line  of  Menendez. 

IV.    The  Terrible  Expiation 

Laudonniere  and  his  fellow  fugitives  brought  the  first 
news  of  the  Spanish  conduct  to  France.  Soon  after 
wards  the  other  atrocities  were  enumerated.  There  was 
peace  between  the  countries  of  the  most  Christian  and 
the  most  Catholic  majesties  and  France  was  filled  with 
a  hue  and  cry  for  reparation.  Some  feeble  efforts  were 
made  by  Charles  IX  and  Catherine  de  Medici  and  a 
correspondence  ensued,  but  nothing  was  done.  After 
all,  they  were  Huguenots  and  heretics.  What  could 
be  expected  from  a  prince  who  could  shoot  down  his 
flying  and  unarmed  subjects,  who-  had  trusted  to  his 


50       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

honor,  on  the  dread  24th  of  August — Saint  Bartholo 
mew's  day!  What  could  be  hoped  from  a  king  who 
could  gaze  unmoved  upon  the  mortifying  body  of  the 
betrayed  admiral  who  had  not  learned  in  all  his  study 
of  Scripture  the  meaning  of  that  text,  "  Put  not  your 
trust  in  princes!  "  What  could  be  expected  from  a  ruler 
who  said  to  his  fastidious  courtiers  then,  "  The  body  of 
a  dead  enemy  always  smells  sweet!  " 

The  court  talked,  argued,  debated — and  forgot!  But 
what  the  power  of  France  could  not,  or  would  not  effect, 
was  undertaken  by  a  simple  gentleman,  one  of  the  lesser 
nobility  of  the  land.  Dominique  de  Gourgues  was  of  that 
country  which  gave  birth  to  de  Bergerac  and  d'Artagnan. 
He  was  a  Gascon  and  a  sailor.  He  had  been  captured 
by  the  Spaniards  and  sent  to  the  galleys.  He  had  been 
a  prisoner  of  the  Turks.  Liberated  by  the  Knights  of 
Malta,  he  had  made  many  voyages  in  distant  seas  and 
was  a  bold,  successful  navigator.  The  Spaniards  call 
him  a  Huguenot  and  a  heretic,  but  it  is  more  than  prob 
able  that  he  was  a  Roman  Catholic.  At  any  rate  we 
fain  would  think  so.  If  a  Catholic  he  was  great  enough 
to  rise  above  his  religion.  He  hated  Spain  and  he  loved 
France.  He  determined  to  do  what  the  king  and  the 
country  dared  not  attempt. 

Selling  his  patrimony  and  borrowing  from  his  family, 
he  procured  three  small  ships  which  he  manned  with  one 
hundred  and  eighty  chosen  men,  proven  spirits  ready  for 
any  hazard.  With  a  commission  to  go  on  a  slave-trading 
voyage,  he  set  forth  in  August,  1567,  from  the  Charente. 
Early  in  the  next  spring,  after  a  roundabout  voyage,  he 
reached  the  coast  of  Florida.  Here  for  the  first  time  de 
Gourgues  revealed  to  his  hardy  followers  the  purpose  of 
his  expedition.  With  persuasive  Gascon  eloquence  he 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues      51 

painted  the  horrible  treachery  and  brutal  treatment  which 
had  been  accorded  the  colonists.  He  spoke  to  them  of 
the  lost  honor  of  France,  and  appealed  to  them  by  every 
quality  of  their  manhood  to  join  with  him  in  wiping  out 
the  stain  and  exacting  summary  vengeance.  Like  the 
bold  sailor  he  was  he  promised  that  they  should  incur  no 
danger  he  would  not  share;  that  they  should  make  no 
advance  he  would  not  lead.  With  beating  hearts  they 
welcomed  the  bold  project  and  de  Gourgues  instantly 
moved  up  the  coast  toward  the  St.  Johns. 

The  Spaniards  had  rebuilt  the  French  fort  and  had 
renamed  it  San  Mateo.  In  addition  they  had  thrown 
up  two  smaller  redoubts  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  So 
quietly  had  de  Gourgues  slipped  away  from  France  and 
so  unsuspicious  were  the  Spaniards,  that  when  the  watch 
ers  in  the  redoubts  saw  three  ships  toiling  along  in  the 
offing,  they  gave  them  a  friendly  salute,  which  was  re 
turned.  De  Gourgues  landed  forty  miles  north  of  the 
river.  He  was  met  by  bands  of  Indians  in  warlike  array. 
There  was  menace  in  their  appearance,  but  when  they 
learned  that  the  newcomers  were  Frenchmen  and  had 
come  to  exact  vengeance  upon  the  Spaniards,  who  had 
already  made  themselves  hated  by  their  cruelties  and  ex 
cesses,  they  were  welcomed  with  shouts  of  joy;  and  savage 
voices,  filled  with  indistinct  memories,  broke  forth  into 
fragments  of  Psalms  they  had  learned  from  Laudonniere! 
There  was  counselling  and  feasting  and  preparation. 
Three  days  after  the  landing,  de  Gourgues,  with  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  Frenchmen  and  three  hundred  Indians, 
moved  down  toward  the  river. 

Twenty  sailors  were  left  with  the  ships.  The  French 
and  their  allies,  who  were  led  by  Satouriona  and  his 
nephew  Olotoraca,  a  young  chieftain  of  great  prowess, 


52       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

were  about  to  attack  over  four  hundred  Spanish  soldiers 
secure  in  fortifications  of  their  own  making.  The  French 
descended  the  coast  in  boats,  several  times  in  imminent 
danger  of  shipwreck,  until  they  came  to  the  Indian  ren 
dezvous.  There  they  disembarked  and  marched  through 
the  wood.  De  Gourgues  in  the  full  armor  of  the  time, 
was  in  the  lead;  with  him  was  Olotoraca  carrying  a 
French  half  pike.  In  the  afternoon  they  came  to  a 
stream  flowing  into  the  St.  Johns,  on  the  opposite  side 
of  which  lay  one  of  the  redoubts,  and  there  encamped 
for  the  night.  There  was  but  little  rest  for  de  Gourgues, 
who,  with  the  Indian  guides,  spent  the  long  hours  in 
reconnoitring  and  laying  his  plans. 

In  the  morning,  when  the  tide  was  out,  they  found  a 
sheltered  ford  behind  a  clump  of  trees,  and  fastening  their 
powder  horns  to  their  headpieces  and  holding  their  ar 
quebuses  and  swords  above  their  heads,  they  waded 
through  the  water.  The  oyster  shells  in  the  bottom  of 
the  river  cut  and  tore  their  feet  but  they  pressed  on. 
Shortly  after  noon  they  drew  up  in  battle  array  under  the 
trees  near  the  fort. 

"  Look!"  cried  the  Gascon,  pointing  at  the  redoubt. 
"  There  are  the  murderers  who  have  butchered  our  coun 
trymen!  Forward!" 

With  clenched  teeth  the  men  swept  on. 

The  Spaniards  had  just  finished  their  dinner  when  one 
of  the  artillerymen,  who  happened  to  glance  over  the 
rampart,  in  frantic  terror  gave  the  alarm.  The  French 
were  advancing  upon  them  in  ordered  ranks.  A  party 
under  Lieutenant  Cazenove  had  been  detached  to  secure 
the  gate.  The  gunner  discharged  his  cannon  at  them, 
but  before  he  could  reload,  Olotoraca,  leaping  upon  the 
rampart,  drove  a  pike  through  his  heart.  De  Gourgues 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues     53 

was  mounting  the  glacis  when  he  heard  a  cry  that  the 
Spaniards  were  escaping  by  the  gate.  He  led  his  men 
toward  that  point  on  the  run.  Cazenove  was  already 
hotly  engaged  and  the  whole  garrison  to  the  number  of 
sixty  were  caught  and  killed,  except  a  few  who  were 
reserved  for  a  special  purpose — there  was  no  mercy  in 
the  reservation. 

The  Spanish  redoubt  on  the  other  side  of  the  St.  Johns 
had  opened  fire  upon  the  French.  The  Indians  plunged 
into  the  stream  and  swam  across.  One  of  de  Gourgues' 
larger  boats  had  been  brought  along  the  shore.  Enter 
ing  it  with  eighty  men  he  pushed  across  the  river. 
Terror  seized  the  Spanish  and  they  fled.  They  were  sur 
rounded  by  Indians,  however,  and  the  French  fell  upon 
them  with  determined  fury.  The  utmost  efforts  of  de 
Gourgues  could  save  but  fifteen  of  them  for  that  special 
purpose.  The  next  day  was  Low  Sunday,  the  octave  of 
the  Resurrection.  The  French  made  no  attack  on  Fort 
San  Mateo  that  day,  though  they  busied  themselves  with 
preparations.  The  woods,  however,  teemed  with  Ind 
ians  and  the  Spaniards  dared  not  leave  the  fort.  One 
bolder  than  the  rest  at  last  ventured  out  disguised  as  an 
Indian  and  entered  the  French  line.  Olotoraca  discov 
ered  him  at  once.  From  him  it  was  learned  that  there 
were  two  hundred  and  sixty  Spaniards  in  the  fort  and 
that  they  were  mad  with  terror;  they  believed  the 
French  amounted  to  over  two  thousand  men. 

On  Monday  night  the  attack  began.  The  Spaniards 
opened  fire  on  them  with  their  culverins,  but  the  French 
remained  concealed  in  the  forest,  and  finally  the  Span 
iards  sent  out  a  strong  party  to  reconnoitre.  Cazenove, 
with  a  detachment,  was  moved  forward  to  flank  the 
enemy.  De  Gourgues,  himself,  kept  his  men  well  in  hand 


54       Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

in  the  bushes  until  the  head  of  the  Spanish  advance  was 
upon  them.  A  deadly  fire  in  front  and  flank  cut  them 
down,  and  before  they  could  recover  themselves,  out  of 
the  smoke  of  the  battle  appeared  the  steel-clad  French. 
Not  a  man  reached  the  fort,  but  in  the  sight  of  the  rest 
of  the  Spanish  they  were  killed  or  taken.  Those  in  the 
fort  now  lost  their  heads.  They  abandoned  their  fortifi 
cations  and  fled  to  the  woods  away  from  the  advancing 
French.  The  Indians  fell  upon  them  with  savage  fierce 
ness  and  held  them  in  check  until  the  French  overtook 
them.  Again  a  few  were  saved  from  slaughter.  Near 
the  fort  were  the  trees  from  which  had  swung  the  bodies 
of  the  Frenchmen  whom  Menendez  had  hanged.  Thither 
were  dragged  the  wretched  Spaniards  whom  de  Gour- 
gues  had  saved.  They,  too,  were  hanged,  and  over  the 
mouldering  remains  of  the  former  inscription  a  new  tab 
let  was  nailed  bearing  these  words,  which  had  been  traced 
with  a  hot  iron:  "  Not  as  to  Spaniards,  but  as  to  trai 
tors,  robbers,  and  murderers!  " 

On  the  3d  of  May  de  Gourgues  set  sail  for  France. 
The  Spaniards  from  St.  Augustine  repossessed  the  land. 
De  Gourgues,  broken  in  fortune  and  under  the  disfavor 
of  a  king  who  scarcely  knew  how  to  resist  the  Spanish 
demand  for  his  head,  lived  in  the  utmost  obscurity  and 
poverty,  but  was  finally  restored  to  favor,  and  invited  by 
Queen  Elizabeth  to  enter  her  service.  He  chose,  how 
ever,  to  accept  the  command  of  a  Portuguese  fleet  which 
was  preparing  to  fight  against  Philip  II.,  when  he  died  at 
Tours,  in  1583. 

De  Gourgues'  revenge  had  failed  in  but  one  point. 
Menendez,  the  chief  fiend,  had  escaped,  for  the  Spaniard 
returned  home  laden  with  honors  and  high  in  the  affec 
tions  of  his  king  and  his  countrymen.  At  the  very  sum- 


The  Revenge  of  de  Gourgues     55 

mit  of  his  career,  when  about  to  assume  command  of  a 
fleet  of  three  hundred  sail  and  twenty  thousand  men, 
which  was  destined  to  sail  against  England,  he  died  at 
Santander,  in  1574,  in  the  fifty-fifth  year  of  his  age.  He 
had  begun  at  Fort  Caroline  the  work  of  driving  the 
French  from  the  continent,  which  was  completed  by 
Wolfe  two  hundred  years  after  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham. 

I  picture  Menendez  standing  before  the  Judgment  Bar 
of  God,  his  feet  upon  a  red  line  in  the  sand.  I  see  the 
long  indictment  read  against  Philip  in  the  same  High 
Court,  bearing  these  awful  words  in  the  king's  own 
hand,  "  Say  to  him  that  he  has  done  well." 

The  flag  of  the  French  was  driven  from  the  continent 
long  since  by  the  Anglo-Saxon,  and  the  last  vestiges  of 
the  great  Empire  of  Spain  were  wrenched  from  the 
trembling  hands  which  vainly  strove  to  retain  them  by 
the  children  of  the  same  proud  race,  when  the  hot 
muzzles  of  the  great  guns  spoke  at  Manila  and  San 
tiago  ! 


PART  II 
GENTLEMEN   OF  THE   BLACK   FLAG 

I 

Sir  Henry  Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers 


SIR    HENRY    MORGAN    AND    HIS 
BUCCANEERS 

I.    Plundering  Puerto  Bello 

"  Woe  to  the  realms  which  he  coasted !  for  there 
Was  shedding  of  blood  and  rending  of  hair, 
Rape  of  maiden,  and  slaughter  of  priest, 
Gathering  of  ravens  and  wolves  to  the  feast ; 
When  he  hoisted  his  standard  black, 
Before  him  was  battle,  behind  him  wrack, 
And  he  burned  the  churches,  that  heathen  Dane, 
To  light  his  band  to  their  barks  again. " 

AS  in  the  course  of  animal  growth  we  pass — 
embryonically  or  otherwise — through  the  vari 
ous  conditions  of  physical  being  which  mark 
progressive  stages  of  evolution,  so  in  mental  develop 
ment  successive  epochs  of  history  are  represented. 
Sooner  or  later  every  normal  life  enters  upon  an  age 
of  chivalry,  and  the  characters  upon  which  we  love  to 
dwell  are  the  knights-errant  of  the  past.  The  words 
bring  before  us  pictures  of  courage,  generosity,  devo 
tion  to  an  ideal  and  all  the  chivalric  virtues.  Rise  in 
our  memory  the  names  of  Arthur,  Lancelot,  Galahad, 
Roland,  the  Black  Prince,  Du  Guesclin,  culminating  in 
that  famous  knight  who  was  without  fear  and  without 
reproach. 

It  is  a  far  cry  from  Bayard  to  Morgan  the  Buccaneer. 
Yet  the  latter  by  the  favor  of  His  Gracious  Majesty, 

59 


60       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Charles  II  of  England,  was  made  a  belted  knight,  and 
henceforth  was  known  as  Sir  Henry  Morgan.  A  king 
who  could  frolic  with  Rochester  and  Buckingham,  who 
could  sell  his  honor  to  the  hereditary  enemy  of  his  coun 
try  for  French  gold,  plus  Louise  de  Kerouailles,  would 
thoroughly  enjoy  Morgan! 

One  of  the  earlier  stages  of  the  tempo-mental  develop 
ment  referred  to  is  that  in  which  most  lads,  and  some 
girls  perhaps,  desire  to  become — pirates!  It  precedes, 
logically  enough,  the  knight-errant  phase.  (Query:  Was 
the  knight  a  sublimated  robber,  or  was  the  robber  a  de 
generate  knight?)  I  think  it  may  be  on  account  of  the 
freedom  from  restraint  which  a  pirate  is  supposed  to  en 
joy,  that  his  profession  is  so  fascinating  to  our  period  of 
tutelage.  Some  impressions  of  youthful  days  remain — 
the  piratical  for  instance.  We  frequently  forget  to  be 
chivalrous  and  gentle,  but  we  never  altogether  lose  our 
appreciation  of  the  ruthless  independence  of  the  rovers 
of  the  sea,  and  the  story  of  their  lives,  with  its  brutality 
and  bloodshed,  grime  and  horror,  fascinates  us  still. 

This  is  a  tale  of  a  few  of  the  exploits  of  the  greatest 
and  worst  of  the  buccaneers.  Like  "  Taffy,"  Morgan 
was  a  Welshman.  The  parallelism  may  be  carried 
farther  with  accuracy,  for  he  was  also  a  thief,  but  there 
it  stops.  "  Taffy  "  was  an  angel  of  light  beside  Morgan. 
Like  the  first  conspicuous  bearer  of  his  name,  Sir  Henry 
was  a  heretic,  from  the  Spanish  stand-point.  He  was 
born  the  son  of  poor  but  honest  parents,  farmers  in 
Wales,  in  1637.  At  an  early  age  he  ran  away  to  sea, 
bound  himself  out  as  an  indentured  servant,  and  sailed 
for  the  New  World.  He  faithfully  served  his  time  and 
then  cast  about  to  see  what  fields  of  action  were  open 
for  a  young  gentleman  of  limited  education,  entire  un- 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       61 

scrupulousness,  abundant  courage  and  over-weening  am 
bition,  and  decided  to  join  the  ancient  and  successful 
army  of  tanners,  otherwise  buccaneers. 

The  catching  of  cattle  and  the  preserving  of  the  meat 
and  hides  by  the  process  of  "  boucan,"  i.e.,  drying  them 
over  fires  of  aromatic  green  twigs,  had  been  a  most  profit 
able  vocation.  Cattle  in  the  West  Indies  were  had  for 
the  taking  and  the  life  was  free,  easy,  and  bold.  When 
the  supply  of  cattle  gave  out,  however,  it  was  a  perfectly 
natural  and  legitimate  transition  to  turn  from  tanning 
the  hides  of  animals  to  doing  a  little  experimenting  in  the 
same  direction  upon  men.  The  rich  and  unwieldy  Span 
ish  galleons,  laden  with  the  treasure  of  Mexico  and 
Peru,  slowly  swashing  through  the  Caribbean  homeward 
bound,  suggested  themselves  as  objects  of  profitable  at 
tack.  There  was  more  sport  in  their  capture,  greater 
reward  to  be  gained  therefrom,  and  there  was  just  as 
much  blood  in  the  human  cattle  as  in  the  wild  beasts  that 
had  roamed  the  hills. 

Under  the  stimulus  of  this  opportunity,  into  the  vor 
tex  of  the  Caribbean  w^ere  speedily  precipitated  the  vile 
of  all  nations.  Hereditary  national  and  racial  antago 
nisms  were  laid  aside,  or  held  in  abeyance,  in  the  presence 
of  a  common  hatred.  Spain  was  undoubtedly  the  most 
unpopular  power  that  ever  dominated  the  earth.  She 
was  also,  at  that  time,  the  richest.  The  yellow  flag  was 
an  invitation  to  attack  which  was  accepted  with  murder 
ous  avidity.  As  the  buccaneers  grew  and  prospered, 
from  the  taking  of  single  ships,  or  even  squadrons,  it  was 
an  easy  step  to  organize  expeditions  to  seize  the  principal 
towns  on  the  Spanish  Main  and  after  plundering  them, 
hold  them  for  ransom. 

Bartholomew  Portuguese,  L'Olonnois,  and  Mansvelt 


62       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

had  already  made  a  name  for  themselves  when  Morgan 
rose  to  unenviable  eminence  and  surpassed  them  all.  He 
had  become  widely  known  through  his  ruthless  boldness 
and  success,  and  had  been  chosen  as  second  in  command 
of  the  great  fleet  which  Mansvelt  had  assembled  with  the 
hope  of  carving  out  a  buccaneer  republic  from  the  Span 
ish  domains,  when  death  put  an  end  to  the  Dutchman's 
scheme,  scattered  the  great  squadron  that  had  been  gath 
ered  for  the  attempt  and  possibly  changed  future  history 
to  a  degree.  Morgan  attracted  to  himself  some  of  the 
bolder  spirits  and  with  a  force  of  twelve  small  vessels  he 
sacked  the  town  of  Puerto  Principe,  Cuba,  from  which 
his  party  gleaned  no  inconsiderable  profit — just  enough 
to  whet  the  appetites  of  the  buccaneers  for  more !  Not 
that  their  appetites  needed  much  whetting,  for  of  all  the 
examples  of  insatiable  rapacity  the  "  Brethren  of  the 
Coast  " — so  they  called  themselves — bear  the  palm. 

After  the  raid  on  Puerto  Principe  a  quarrel  over  the 
spoil  between  the  French  and  the  English  caused  the 
former  to  abandon  his  command,  and  Morgan  was  left 
with  but  nine  small  vessels,  carrying  about  four  hundred 
and  fifty  men.  Such  was  the  ascendency  he  had  gained 
over  his  ruthless  followers,  that  he  actually  induced  them 
to  commit  the  whole  charge  of  the  next  expedition  to 
him  alone,  and  the  vessels  put  to  sea  from  Jamaica  in  the 
early  part  of  1668,  without  the  commander  communicat 
ing  his  purpose  to  anyone.  The  only  information  he 
vouchsafed  was  that  he  expected  to  make  their  fortunes 
on  this  occasion.  He  knew  how  to  inflame  their  cupidity 
and  they  became  eager  to  follow  wherever  he  chose  to 
lead.  They  reckoned  without  the  daring  of  their  leader. 
After  a  voyage  of  some  days  they  anchored  off  Costa 
Rica;  when  they  made  a  landfall,  Morgan  announced  to 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       63 

his  captains  that  he  intended  to  sack  the  town  of  Puerto 
Bello.  To  this  proposition  there  was  an  instant  demur. 
The  boldness  of  the  idea  appalled  them. 

Puerto  Bello,  although  an  unhealthy  place  of  residence, 
was  a  strong  town  defended  by  two  large  castles  and 
several  smaller  works  garrisoned  by  three  hundred  regu 
lar  soldiers.  It  contained  a  resident  population  of  two 
thousand.  The  wealthy  residents  and  slave  traders  lived 
in  the  city  of  Panama  and  only  came  to  Puerto  Bello 
when  the  galleons  arrived  from  and  departed  to  Spain. 
At  such  times  a  great  fair  was  held  and  the  ordinary 
population  of  the  city  was  largely  increased.  Morgan 
had  carefully  timed  his  arrival  for  this  propitious  season. 
The  buccaneers  hesitated  in  the  face  of  such  tremendous 
odds,  claiming  that  they  were  not  sufficiently  strong  to 
assault  so  formidable  a  place;  but  Morgan,  who,  with  all 
his  badness  was  a  born  leader  of  men,  stoutly  clung  to  his 
plan,  pointing  out  ways  and  means  by  which  it  could  be 
accomplished,  heartening  and  inspiriting  the  reluctant  by 
his  dauntless  bearing  and  confidence,  and  finally  appealed 
to  their  ruling  passion  in  this  stout  phrase: 

"  If  our  numbers  be  small,  our  hearts  are  great.  The 
fewer  we  are  the  more  union  among  us  and  the  larger 
shares  we  shall  each  have  in  the  spoil."  That  settled  it. 
They  finally  agreed  to  follow  him  and  clamored  to  be 
led  to  the  attack. 

Morgan  had  brought  his  squadron  to  a  lonely  spot 
some  thirty  miles  to  the  westward  of  the  town.  Favored 
by  a  fair  wind  they  sailed  along  the  shore  until  they 
reached  a  point  within  a  few  miles  of  the  city.  Leaving 
a  few  men  in  the  vessels  to  work  them  up  to  the  harbor 
the  next  day,  the  little  army  landed  on  the  shore  at  mid 
night.  Led  by  an  Englishman  who  had  been  a  prisoner, 


'64       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

in  perfect  silence  they  toiled  through  the  dense  tropic 
wood  toward  the  town.  As  they  drew  near  the  out 
skirts  in  the  gray  of  the  morning,  they  spied  a  sentry  on 
the  edge  of  the  clearing.  The  man,  not  dreaming  there 
was  a  foe  within  a  thousand  miles  of  him,  kept  negligent 
watch  over  the  sleeping  town.  The  buccaneers  crept 
softly  through  the  underbrush,  sprang  upon  him  and  dis 
armed  him.  No  alarm  was  given. 

They  dragged  their  captive  back  to  the  main  body 
where  Morgan  questioned  him  as  to  the  situation  and 
he  was  menaced  with  a  thousand  deaths  if  he  did  not  tell 
the  truth.  Led  by  their  terrified  prisoner  they  took  up 
their  march  again  and  soon  reached  the  castle  of  Triana. 
They  were  not  discovered  until  they  had  completely  in 
vested  the  fortification  and  demanded  its  surrender,  un 
der  pain  of  no  quarter.  Disdaining  this  astonishing  re 
quest  the  garrison  sprang  to  arms  and  opened  fire,  but 
the  capture  of  the  sentry,  the  negligent  watch  kept  and 
the  celerity  of  their  movements  had  enabled  Morgan's 
men  to  gain  the  outworks  and  they  presently  succeeded 
in  storming  the  castle. 

They  had  threatened  to  give  no  quarter,  and  they  were 
men  who  always  kept  promises  of  that  kind  religiously. 
They  had  some  virtues,  these  buccaneers.  They  were 
usually  loyal  to  each  other,  obedient  to  their  officers, 
warred  only  on  Spaniards  and  frequently  had  prayers  be 
fore  battle!  When  they  captured  the  castle,  therefore, 
they  forced  all  the  soldiers  and  officers  into  the  great  hall 
under  which  they  collected  all  the  powder  they  found  in 
the  magazine.  Reserving  the  women  and  children  for  a 
worse  fate  they  barred  the  outlet  of  the  hall,  touched  off 
the  powder  and  then  withdrew.  The  tower  was  blown 
up  and  the  garrison  killed  to  a  man. 


Morgan  and  His  B'uccaneers       65 

These  happenings  had  given  the  alarm  to  the  town,  the 
inhabitants  of  which  endeavored  to  conceal  their  treas 
ures  and  fly  to  the  depths  of  the  forest.  Meanwhile  the 
governor  of  the  place  and  the  remainder  of  the  garrison 
had  thrown  themselves  into  the  other  castle  and  prepared 
to  make  a  stout  defence.  Detaching  a  body  of  men  to 
secure  the  town,  Morgan  advanced  toward  the  fort. 
There  was  no  possibility  of  a  surprise  of  course  and  how 
to  take  the  castle  was  a  problem.  The  buccaneers  who 
were  all  expert  marksmen  concealed  themselves  about 
the  walls  and  by  brilliant  feats  of  sharpshooting  kept 
down  the  Spanish  fire.  If  anyone  appeared  in  the  em 
brasures  he  was  sure  to  be  hit. 

Finally  a  brilliant  idea  occurred  to  the  chief  fiend. 
Morgan  directed  that  the  monks  and  nuns  from  the 
monasteries  and  convents  which  had  been  seized,  should 
be  brought  forward.  He  also  caused  a  number  of  great 
ladders  to  be  prepared  large  enough  for  three  men  to 
mount  abreast.  When  the  terrified  monks  and  nuns  ap 
peared  he  ordered  them  to  take  up  the  ladders  and  place 
them  against  the  walls.  They  begged  and  entreated,  but 
their  captor  was  pitiless  and  the  helpless  men  and  women 
finally  seized  the  ladders  and  advanced  toward  the  castle 
imploring  the  governor  not  to  fire  upon  them.  The  man 
who  kept  that  castle  was  an  heroic  soldier.  He  intended 
to  hold  the  fort  at  whatever  sacrifice,  so  in  spite  of  the 
adjurations  and  anathemas  of  the  priests  and  the  shrieks 
and  prayers  of  the  nuns,  he  opened  fire  upon  them.  It 
was  impossible  for  the  poor  men  and  women  to  retreat 
— behind  them  were  the  buccaneers.  In  utter  despair 
they  rushed  forward  and  set  the  ladders,  many  of  them 
being  killed  or  wounded  in  the  attempt.  The  pirates 
5 


66       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

carrying  fire-balls  and  grenades  scrambled  up  the  lad 
ders  and  poured  over  the  walls. 

All  the  members  of  the  garrison  who  did  not  surrender 
instantly  were  put  to  the  sword.  The  brave  governor 
made  an  heroic  resistance.  Deserted  by  his  men,  several 
of  whom  he  had  killed  with  his  own  hands  for  their  pusil 
lanimity,  he  fought  on  alone.  In  spite  of  the  entreaties 
of  his  wife  and  children,  who  had  been  taken,  he  con 
tinued  to  fight  until  he  was  killed,  saying  when  asked  to 
surrender,  "  I  had  rather  die  as  a  soldier  than  be  hanged 
as  a  coward."  The  other  works  made  but  a  feeble  re 
sistance  and  the  town  was  soon  at  the  mercy  of  the  buc 
caneers — a  misnomer  that,  they  had  no  mercy  in  them. 

The  pirates  forced  the  prisoners,  wounded  and  un- 
wounded,  into  one  of  the  rooms  of  the  castle  where  they 
were  left  to  their  own  devices  without  food  or  attention 
of  any  sort.  The  women  were  removed  for  unmention 
able  purposes,  and  the  company  spread  over  the  town  to 
plunder  and  destroy.  They  gave  way  to  the  most  fright 
ful  excesses  and  debaucheries.  Such  was  the  confusion, 
disorder,  and  drunkenness,  that  fifty  resolute  men  could 
have  captured  the  whole  pirate  band.  Unfortunately 
they  were  not  there. 

For  fifteen  days  the  ruthless  murderers  lorded  it  over 
the  hapless  town,  until  even  their  merciless  natures  were 
sated  with  debauchery  and  crime.  Having  pillaged  the 
warehouses  of  the  merchants  and  provisioned  their  ships 
for  the  return  voyage,  they  arranged  to  depart.  Before 
they  left,  however,  Morgan  determined  on  a  final  coup. 
He  informed  the  wretched  prisoners  that  unless  he  re 
ceived  a  ransom  of  one  hundred  thousand  pieces  of  eight 
(Spanish  silver  dollars),  he  w7ould  burn  the  town  and  raze 
the  fortifications  to  the  ground.  Two  prisoners  were 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       67 

sent  to  de  Guzman,  the  governor  of  Panama,  with  this 
message.  In  reply  the  governor  put  a  large  force  of  men 
in  motion  to  take  the  pirates  before  their  retreat. 

Being  informed  of  this  expedition  by  a  runaway  slave, 
Morgan  prepared  a  cunning  ambush  in  a  defile  through 
which  the  Spaniards  must  march  and  with  one  hundred 
men  threw  the  advance  into  confusion,  and  after  killing  a 
large  number  forced  a  retreat.  The  governor  refused,  in 
spite  of  his  defeat,  to  pay  any  ransom.  He  contented 
himself  with  promising  Morgan  no  quarter  when  he 
should  be  taken — a  futile  threat.  The  miserable  inhabi 
tants,  however,  managed  to  scrape  up  the  ransom  de 
manded  and  brought  it  to  the  pirates,  who,  having  se 
cured  all  they  could  from  the  town,  kept  their  faith  with 
them  and  sailed  away  to  Jamaica,  leaving  the  houses  un- 
burned. 

Before  he  left,  however,  Morgan  promised  de  Guzman 
that  he  would  return  in  a  twelvemonth  and  pay  him  a 
visit!  The  governor  warned  him  off,  but  with  extraordi 
nary  complaisance  at  the  same  time  made  him  a  present 
of  a  beautiful  emerald  ring! 

II.    The  Raid  on  Maracaibo 

The  ill-got  gains  of  the  pirates  soon  vanished  and  they 
were  ripe  for  another  undertaking.  The  news  was  passed 
among  the  islands  that  Morgan  was  organizing  another 
expedition  and  men  flocked  to  join  him  at  the  appointed 
rendezvous,  a  little  island  south  of  Hispaniola.  The  Eng 
lish  governor  of  Jamaica,  desirous  of  taking  a  hand  in 
the  successful  and  profitable  enterprise  of  the  pirate,  con 
tributed  a  large  and  formidable  war  vessel  from  New 
England,  called  the  Oxford,  carrying  thirty-six  guns. 


68       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Our  thrifty  ancestors  frequently  furnished  contingents 
for  such  expeditions.  While  they  were  provisioning  the 
squadron  a  splendid  French  ship  from  St.  Malo,  called 
the  Flying  Stag,  carrying  thirty-six  guns  also,  joined 
them. 

Morgan  cast  covetous  eyes  upon  this  vessel,  which 
agreed  to  sail  in  his  company  though  not  under  his  com 
mand.  Under  pretence  of  hospitality  he  inveigled  the 
French  officers  on  board  the  Oxford,  where  they  were 
arrested  on  some  flimsy  pretext  and  Morgan  took  posses 
sion  of  their  ship.  Elated  by  their  success,  the  bucca 
neers  held  a  great  carouse  on  the  Oxford,  during  which 
her  powder  magazine  exploded  and  she  blew  up.  Some 
thirty  officers  in  the  after  cabin,  removed  from  the  vicin 
ity  of  the  explosion,  escaped  with  their  lives;  the  rest  of 
the  crew  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  nearly  all 
killed  or  drowned.  The  bay  was  covered  with  floating 
corpses  for  days.  Morgan  had  them  stripped  of  their 
clothing  and  jewelry  and  then  allowed  them  to  float  un- 
cared  for.  It  was  believed  that  the  Oxford  and  her  Yan 
kee  crew  had  been  blown  up  by  the  French  prisoners 
below.  I  hope  so.  The  French  ship  was  sent  back  to 
Jamaica  and  the  governor  confiscated  her. 

In  spite  of  the  loss  of  the  Oxford,  Morgan  set  sail  with 
fifteen  vessels  and  eight  hundred  men,  the  largest  ship 
carrying  only  fourteen  small  guns.  Eight  of  his  vessels 
parted  company  on  the  voyage  and  never  rejoined  him. 
He  pressed  on,  however,  with  seven  small  ships  and  three 
hundred  men  to  attack  the  wealthy  and  important  city 
of  Maracaibo,  situated  on  the  lake  of  that  name  in  Venez 
uela.  The  expedition  met  with  little  opposition  and 
found  the  castle  which  guarded  the  strait  and  town  sus 
piciously  deserted  when  they  swarmed  over  the  walls.  A 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       69 

hasty  inspection  revealed  that  the  Spaniards  had  prepared 
a  trap  for  them  by  igniting  a  fuse  leading  to  the  magazine. 
In  a  few  seconds  they  would  have  been  blown  to  pieces, 
and  the  world  would  have  been  thereby  the  gainer,  if 
Morgan  had  not  gallantly  cut  the  fuse  and  prevented  the 
danger.  The  town  fell  almost  without  resistance,  and 
the  same  scenes  of  torture  and  outrage  ensued. 

Having  got  what  they  could  from  the  town  they  made 
predatory  excursions  into  the  surrounding  country,  which 
was  filled  with  fugitives,  and  among  other  devil  doings 
they  sacked  the  smaller  town  of  Gibraltar.  By  these 
expeditions  they  collected  an  immense  booty  and  a  great 
number  of  prisoners.  Having  been  five  weeks  in  posses 
sion  after  exacting  an  immense  ransom  for  the  release  of 
the  unfortunate  prisoners  and  for  not  burning  the  town, 
Morgan  determined  to  depart. 

Lake  Maracaibo  is  connected  with  the  sea  by  a  narrow 
strait  guarded  by  a  large  fort  which  commands  the  open 
ing.  Toward  the  latter  part  of  April,  1669,  a  squadron 
of  three  formidable  Spanish  men-of-war  of  forty,  thirty 
and  twenty  guns  respectively,  arrived  off  the  strait  and 
anchored  right  in  the  entrance.  The  Spaniards  occupied 
the  fort  upon  which  they  mounted  some  heavy  guns. 
The  squadron  easily  overmatched  Morgan's  force.  After 
some  bombastic  correspondence  between  the  buccaneer 
and  the  Spanish  admiral,  in  which  the  latter  offered  the 
pirate  free  passage  home  with  his  men  if  he  would  give 
up  his  booty  and  his  prisoners  and  refrain  from  burning 
the  town,  which  terms  were  indignantly  refused  by  the 
buccaneer,  Morgan  determined  to  force  the  passage  by 
means  of  a  fire  ship.  The  fire  ship  was  rigged  with 
dummy  guns  and  logs  of  wood  dressed  in  uniforms  to 
give  the  impression  that  she  was  a  war  vessel.  She  was 


;o       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

filled  to  the  deck  with  powder,  tar,  brimstone  and  other 
combustibles.  Twelve  of  the  most  daring  of  the  bucca 
neers  agreed  to  man  her. 

On  April  3Oth,  the  squadron  set  sail,  the  fire  ship  in  the 
lead,  heading  straight  for  the  huge  galleon  of  the  Spanish 
admiral.  The  Spaniards  believing  it  to  be  Morgan's  flag 
ship,  withheld  their  fire,  intending  to  crush  it  with  a 
broadside.  They  had  not  reckoned  on  the  swiftness  of 
the  fire  ship  and  the  activity  of  the  buccaneers.  Before 
they  realized  it  the  infernal  machine  had  run  them  aboard 
and  grappled  with  them,  without  receiving  a  shot.  She 
instantly  burst  into  flames.  The  buccaneer  captain  and 
his  crew  leaped  overboard.  The  galleon,  dry  from  her 
cruise  in  the  tropics,  caught  fire  and  in  spite  of  every 
effort  was  soon  burning  furiously.  In  the  midst  of  the 
confusion  while  the  crew  was  striving  to  put  out  the  fire, 
Morgan  came  up  with  the  rest  of  his  fleet  and  opened  with 
his  guns  upon  the  galleon.  The  second  ship,  terrified 
by  the  fate  of  the  flagship,  was  boarded  and  captured  al 
most  without  resistance  and  the  third  vessel  in  attempting 
to  escape  got  ashore  and  was  burned  by  an  attacking 
party.  The  flagship  meanwhile  burned  to  the  water  line 
and  sank. 

The  admiral  and  a  few  of  his  crew  succeeded  in  reach 
ing  the  castle,  the  garrison  of  which  was  under  arms. 
The  rest  of  the  men  were  burned  or  slaughtered.  No 
quarter  was  the  word  again.  Elated  by  their  success, 
Morgan  landed  and  attempted  to  storm  the  castle,  but 
he  met  with  such  a  stout  resistance  that  he  was  driven 
back  with  a  loss  of  some  sixty  killed  and  wounded. 
Abandoning  the  attack  for  the  present,  the  buccaneers 
returned  to  Maracaibo. 

The  captured  ship  was  fitted  out  for  Morgan's  own 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       71 

use  and  the  ransom  he  had  seen  fit  to  demand  for  the 
town  was  increased  by  five  hundred  cows  for  victualling 
his  fleet.  By  great  exertion  they  were  provided  and  hav 
ing  taken  some  ten  thousand  pieces  of  eight  from  the 
wreck  of  the  Spanish  flagship,  all  they  could  secure  out 
of  a  total  of  forty  thousand  she  had  on  board  when  she 
sank,  Morgan  again  made  for  the  sea.  It  was  useless 
to  think  of  attacking  the  fort,  and  while  the  Spaniards 
held  it,  the  narrow  channel  between  the  lake  and  the 
ocean  was  closed.  In  this  dilemma,  Morgan  resorted 
to  strategy. 

He  anchored  his  ships  just  out  of  gunshot  range  and 
in  full  view  of  the  castle.  Boats  were  called  away  and 
filled  with  men  who  rowed  to  the  shore  behind  a  clump 
of  trees  which  hid  them  from  the  garrison.  The  men 
then  concealed  themselves  by  lying  in  the  bottom  of 
the  boats,  which,  apparently  empty,  were  rowed  back 
to  the  ship  by  a  few  men.  This  performance  went  on 
all  day,  giving  those  in  the  fort  the  impression  that  the 
buccaneers  were  landing  in  force  to  attack  them  from 
the  land  side.  During  the  afternoon,  therefore,  the 
Spaniards  busied  themselves  with  shifting  their  guns  to 
the  land  side  of  the  fort  in  preparation  for  the  expected 
attack. 

As  the  night  fell,  Morgan  weighed  anchor  and  his 
squadron  drifted  quietly  down  the  river  with  the  ebb  tide. 
Though  it  was  moonlight  he  was  not  discovered  until  the 
vessels  were  right  under  the  walls  of  the  castle.  When 
the  alarm  was  given,  every  sail  was  at  once  spread  with 
ready  quickness,  and  favored  by  a  strong  land  breeze  the 
vessels  rushed  for  the  open  sea.  The  Spaniards  reshifted 
their  battery,  but  before  they  could  get  the  long  eighteen 
pounders  to  their  embrasures  again,  the  buccaneers  were 


72       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

out  of  range.  The  Spaniards  fired  upon  them,  but  be 
yond  killing  and  wounding  a  few  men,  did  little  damage. 
They  had  scarcely  made  an  offing  when  they  ran  into 
the  teeth  of  a  tremendous  gale.  It  was  only  by  the  exer 
cise  of  the  most  superb  seamanship  that  their  boats  were 
kept  afloat  on  the  perilous  lee  shore.  After  four  days  of 
tempest,  six  heavy  armed  vessels  gave  them  chase  in  the 
midst  of  the  storm.  Fortunately  for  the  pirates  they 
turned  out  to  be  a  French  naval  force  under  the  command 
of  d'Estrees.  When  the  storm  abated,  generously  as 
sisted  by  the  French  admiral,  the  pirates  finally  reached 
Jamaica  without  losing  a  ship.  The  booty  was  even 
greater  than  that  taken  from  Puerto  Bello,  and  every  man 
was  loaded  with  plunder — money,  jewels,  silks,  raiment, 
liquors,  women,  slaves,  everything  which  helps  to  make 
up  the  hellish  paradise  of  the  rover  of  the  sea! 

III.    The  Storming  of  Fort  St.  Lawrence 

Encouraged  by  this  success  Morgan  organized  another 
expedition,  which,  from  its  magnitude  and  audacity 
threw  his  other  adventures  into  the  background.  He 
was  the  king  of  the  buccaneers  now,  and  he  had  only  to 
lift  his  hand  to  find  himself  surrounded  by  the  cream  of 
the  ferocious  society.  Word  was  swiftly  passed  from 
mouth  to  mouth  in  every  drinking  place,  brothel,  and 
purlieu  of  the  wicked  cities  of  the  Caribbean,  that  he  was 
about  to  take  the  sea  once  more,  and  that  there  would  be 
rich  pickings  for  bold  men  under  his  command.  Morgan 
himself  wrote  letters  to  the  principal  scoundrels  of  his 
acquaintance  from  Tortuga  to  St.  Kitts.  A  rendezvous 
was  appointed  at  Port  Couillon,  on  the  south  side  of  His- 
paniola  as  usual. 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       73 

His  previous  successes  and  the  glowing  accounts  of 
the  royal  times  they  had  enjoyed,  which  had  been  spread 
about  by  all  the  swaggering  rogues  among  their  detest 
able  kinfolk  and  acquaintances,  caused  the  greatest  num 
bers  to  flock  to  the  rendezvous. 

Some  of  them  came  in  ships,  others  in  canoes  and  small 
boats,  and  many  with  incredible  hardships  came  overland 
on  foot.  So  great  was  the  number  of  applicants  that  it 
became  difficult  for  strangers  to  secure  a  place  in  the 
fleet. 

Morgan  carefully  scrutinized  the  various  applicants, 
and  by  a  process  of  natural  selection  secured  such  a  body 
of  desperate,  hardened,  ferocious,  courageous  ruffians  as 
probably  had  never  been  assembled  before  or  since. 

The  flagship  was  the  Flying  Stag,  the  French  ship  of 
thirty-six  guns,  which  had  been  sent  by  the  governor  of 
Jamaica.  It  was  gravely  alleged  that  Morgan  issued  com 
missions  to  his  principal  officers  in  the  name  of  the  gov 
ernor  and  King  Charles  II,  guaranteeing  them  from  all 
effects  of  Spanish  hostility.  On  October  24th,  1670, 
twenty-four  vessels  had  assembled  at  the  rendezvous. 
After  some  predatory  expeditions  to  secure  supplies,  the 
squadron  set  sail  for  Cape  Tiburon,  to  take  in  food  and 
water.  Here  Morgan  was  joined  by  several  ships  from 
the  thrifty  coasts  of  New  England,  which  had  been  re 
fitted  and  commissioned  at  Jamaica.  The  combined 
fleet  now  numbered  thirty-seven  vessels  of  various  sizes, 
manned  by  twenty-two  hundred  human  tigers. 

The  armada  was  divided  into  two  squadrons  under  a 
vice-admiral  and  other  subordinates.  The  first  squad 
ron  sailed  under  the  royal  English  flag,  and  no  more  dis 
graceful  band  ever  served  under  that  noble  emblem.  The 
second  squadron  was  under  a  white  ensign,  probably 


74       Colonial   Fights  and   Fighters 

French,  and  Morgan's  ship  flew  a  red  banner  with  a  white 
cross  and  at  the  bowsprit  a  red,  white  and  blue  flag — 
singular  precursor  of  our  national  colors. 

Contrary  to  custom  he  took  counsel  with  his  principal 
officers  to  consider  the  best  point  of  attack.  They  wa 
vered  between  Panama,  Carthagena  and  Vera  Cruz;  the 
determinating  factor  being  not  so  much  which  was  the 
easiest  but  which  was  the  richest.  The  decision  finally 
fell  upon  Panama.  I  have  no  doubt  that  de  Guzman's 
emerald,  which  he  still  wore,  influenced  Morgan  to  this 
decision. 

We  can  imagine  how  the  hearts  of  these  buccaneers 
beat  with  anticipation,  how  their  eyes  gleamed  with  lust 
and  cupidity,  as  in  the  cabin  of  the  Flying  Stag,  with 
strange  oaths  and  deep  potations,  they  drank  success  to 
their  enterprise,  the  most  difficult  thing  ever  attempted 
before  or  after  by  the  famous  brethren  of  the  coast.  In 
order  to  procure  a  guide  and  establish  a  base  of  supplies, 
the  expedition  first  captured  the  fortified  island  of  St. 
Catherine.  A  mulatto  slave  among  the  captives,  who  is 
described  as  a  rogue,  a  thief,  and  an  assassin,  who  de 
served  breaking  on  the  wheel,  agreed  to  guide  them. 
He  was  promised  liberty  and  a  full  share  of  the  booty 
for  his  pilotage. 

Before  they  could  proceed  to  Panama  it  was  necessary 
to  capture  the  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chagres  River. 
Morgan  and  the  bulk  of  his  command  remained  at  St. 
Catherine's,  employed  in  preparation  for  their  enterprise, 
while  five  ships  and  four  hundred  men  under  the  com 
mand  of  Bradley,  a  famous  buccaneer,  were  sent  forward 
to  seize  the  castle.  Morgan  was  to  follow  with  the  rest 
after  eight  days. 

The  castle  of  St.  Lawrence  was  built  on  a  high  moun- 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       75 

tain  of  the  same  name  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  It  was 
surrounded  by  strong  wooden  palisades  banked  on  the 
inside  with  mounds  of  earth.  There  were  four  bastions 
toward  the  land  and  two  toward  the  sea.  The  land  side 
sloped  down  to  a  gentle  valley,  the  sea  face  was  precipi 
tous  and  unscalable.  The  top  of  the  mountain  was  di 
vided  in  two  parts  by  a  ditch  thirty  feet  deep.  At  the  foot 
of  the  hill  was  an  eight-gun  fort  and  two  batteries  of  six 
guns  all  commanding  the  river.  As  usual  the  buccaneers 
landed  some  distance  away  from  the  point  of  attack  and 
marched  through  a  wood  which  was  so  thick  that  they 
had  to  hew  out  a  way  with  axes  and  cutlasses.  They 
finally  reached  a  hill  which  commanded  the  castle,  but 
as  they  were  without  cannon  and  beyond  musket  range 
their  position  was  of  no  value. 

They  finally  descended  the  hill,  avoiding  the  river  forts, 
crawled  across  the  open  on  their  hands  and  knees  to  es 
cape  the  dreadful  fire  which  the  Spaniards  and  their 
Indian  auxiliaries  poured  upon  them,  which  killed  and 
wounded  many  of  them,  and  then  sword  in  hand,  swarmed 
up  the  steep  sides  of  the  hill  and  strove  to  climb  the  pali 
sades.  Many  were  shot  down  before  they  reached  the 
rampart,  where  they  enjoyed  a  certain  immunity,  for  the 
most  expert  shots  among  the  pirates  who  had  been  sta 
tioned  under  cover  picked  off  every  Spaniard  who  showed 
his  head  in  an  embrasure. 

The  fight  dragged  on  until  evening,  when  the  bucca 
neers,  having  in  vain  tried  to  fire  the  palisades,  retreated 
down  the  hill  in  the  dusk  in  great  disorder,  having  lost 
heavily.  They  carried  their  wounded  with  them.  Brad 
ley  had  both  legs  broken  by  a  cannon  shot,  but  his  spirit 
was  still  undaunted.  A  steady  exchange  of  musketry 
was  kept  up  during  the  evening  until  night  fell,  when 
they  made  another  assault. 


76       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Taking  advantage  of  the  darkness  a  strong  party  crept 
up  to  the  palisades.  At  the  same  time  a  body  of  French 
were  detailed  to  climb  the  path  upon  another  side  and 
make  a  diversion.  One  of  the  Frenchmen  was  pierced 
in  the  shoulder  with  an  arrow.  Hastily  tearing  the  dart 
from  his  quivering  flesh,  he  took  a  handful  of  wild  cotton 
which  he  kept  in  his  pouch  for  lint,  wound  it  around  the 
arrow  and  then  extracting  the  bullet  from  his  musket  sub 
stituted  the  arrow  for  it.  He  took  careful  aim  at  the 
castle  roof  and  discharged  his  piece.  The  arrow  alighted 
on  some  dry  thatch.  The  cotton  caught  fire  from  the 
discharge.  It  smouldered  a  moment  or  two  upon  the 
thatch  and  then  broke  into  a  bright  flame.  There  was 
soon  a  roaring  blaze  on  the  roof  of  the  castle.  Other 
buccaneers  picked  up  the  Indian  arrows  and  repeated  the 
experiment.  Flames  broke  out  on  every  side  and  finally 
a  barrel  of  powder  blew  up  in  a  bastion,  causing  great 
damage. 

With  fierce  cries  of  victory,  the  buccaneers  rushed  to 
the  attack.  The  poor  Spaniards  were  in  a  dreadful  di 
lemma.  Their  situation  was  indeed  desperate.  Their 
forts  and  houses  were  burning  behind  them  and  their 
foes  were  clamoring  at  the  palisades.  If  they  left  the 
ramparts  for  a  moment  they  would  be  slaughtered  by  the 
foe;  if  they  could  not  check  the  flames  they  would  be 
equally  lost.  They  fought  on,  however,  with  the  gal 
lantry  of  their  proud  race.  Their  bodies  outlined  against 
the  bright  light  presented  a  fair  target  for  the  pirate 
sharpshooters,  while  the  latter  were  invisible  in  the  dark 
ness.  While  the  palisades  held,  the  Spaniards  made  good 
their  defence,  but  as  the  night  wore  on  the  buccaneers 
succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the  palisades. 

When  morning  broke,  the  wooden  walls  had  been 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       77 

burned  down  and  the  earthen  ramparts  had  fallen  in  great 
heaps.  Pouring  a  tremendous  musketry  fire  upon  the 
now  undefended  place,  shooting  down  man  after  man  at 
the  guns  which  stood  in  the  open,  about  noon  they  ad 
vanced  to  the  storm.  They  passed  the  ditch  by  climb 
ing  on  one  another's  shoulders.  The  Spaniards  rallied 
around  their  governor  and  defended  themselves  with  the 
courage  of  despair.  It  was  a  hand  to  hand  struggle  of 
the  most  dreadful  description.  Rampart  after  rampart 
was  taken  by  the  resistless  valor  of  the  pirates,  and  the 
defenders  finally  fought  from  room  to  room  in  the  castle, 
making  a  last  stand  in  the  guard  room,  when  the  gov 
ernor,  sternly  refusing  to  surrender,  was  shot  dead. 

When  the  buccaneers  finally  overbore  resistance  and 
broke  down  the  last  brave  defence  by  sheer  weight  of 
numbers,  they  captured  but  fourteen  men,  whom  they 
rendered  helpless  by  tearing  their  weapons  from  their 
hands.  Many  of  the  Spaniards  disdaining  to  surrender 
leaped  over  the  cliff  into  the  sea.  The  fourteen  captives 
and  nine  or  ten  too  desperately  wounded  to  move,  were 
all  that  were  left  of  some  three  hundred  and  fifty  men  in 
the  garrison,  not  counting  Indians.  Over  two  hundred 
of  the  buccaneers  had  been  killed  or  wounded.  It  was 
as  bold  an  attack  and  as  desperate  a  defence  as  was  ever 
made. 

The  courage  of  the  buccaneers  was  beyond  description. 
One  of  the  surgeons  has  left  on  record  an  incident  which 
shows  the  fortitude  and  fury  of  these  pirates.  A  man  who 
had  been  pierced  in  the  eye  by  an  Indian  arrow  came  to 
the  doctor  to  have  it  taken  out.  The  surgeon  shrank 
from  the  operation,  knowing  the  intense  pain  it  would 
involve.  As  he  hesitated,  with  a  curse  the  man  tore  it 
out  of  his  eye  with  his  own  hand,  and  binding  around  his 


78       Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

head  a  piece  of  rag  ripped  from  his  shirt,  he  rushed  for 
ward  to  the  assault  once  more. 

A  few  days  after,  Morgan  arrived  with  the  main  body. 
Great  was  the  joy  of  the  buccaneers  when  they  saw  the 
royal  flag  of  England  floating  over  the  ruined  fort.  In 
their  eagerness  to  make  the  harbor  several  ships  were 
wrecked  on  the  rocky  reef  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  in 
cluding  the  famous  Flying  Stag.  The  crews  and  pro 
visions  were  saved,  and  but  for  a  "  norther "  which 
swooped  down  upon  them,  the  ships  might  have  been 
saved.  The  remainder  of  the  ships  safely  entered  the 
harbor  and  the  fort  was  rebuilt  and  garrisoned. 

IV.    The  March  to  the  Pacific 

On  January  18,  1669,  the  buccaneers  set  out  with  thir 
teen  hundred  men  in  canoes  and  small  boats  toward 
Panama.  The  great  loss  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chagres 
and  the  wreck  of  the  ships  filled  some  of  the  superstitious 
sailors  with  foreboding,  but  they  were  jeered  and  laughed 
at  by  the  majority  of  the  ruffians,  and  under  the  threat 
of  being  left  behind  they  fell  in  with  the  rest.  This  was 
the  cheer  with  which  they  began  their  march:  "  Long 
live  the  King  of  England  and  long  live  Harry  Morgan.'* 
A  nice  collocation  that! 

For  four  days  they  toiled  along  the  river,  some  in 
canoes  and  boats  and  some  on  the  banks.  Their  pro 
visions  speedily  gave  out  and  their  hardships  began. 
The  country  was  a  wilderness.  They  met  no  one.  The 
villages  they  passed  through  had  been  denuded  of  every 
thing  edible  and  abandoned.  They  were  forced  to  sub 
sist  upon  roots,  leaves,  and  grasses.  In  the  absence  of 
any  proper  equipment  for  any  land  campaigning  they 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       79 

were  compelled  to  sleep  on  the  ground  in  the  damp, 
chilly,  unhealthy  tropic  nights,  consequently  many  fell 
ill.  Their  clothing  was  soon  torn  to  rags  by  the  im 
penetrable  forests  through  which  they  were  forced  to 
make  their  toilsome  way. 

On  the  fourth  day  they  came  upon  an  intrenchment 
at  which  they  rushed  to  the  attack,  sword  in  hand,  but 
when  they  climbed  over  the  ramparts  they  found  it  had 
been  abandoned  like  the  rest.  There  was  a  large  num 
ber  of  old  leather  bags  in  the  place.  They  cut  them  into 
pieces,  soaked  them  in  water,  beat  them  soft  between 
two  stones,  scraped  the  hair  off  with  their  knives,  and 
toasted  them  by  the  fire.  When  cooked  sufficiently, 
they  cut  each  piece  into  small  cubes  and  swallowed  them. 
A  poor  substitute  for  food  they  found  it. 

On  the  fifth  day,  at  a  plantation  at  Barbacoa,  they 
found  several  bags  of  flour,  some  jars  of  wine  and  bunches 
of  plantains  in  a  cave,  which  by  Morgan's  orders  were 
divided  among  the  most  exhausted  of  the  men.  Some 
of  them  were  nearly  dead  from  famine,  fatigue,  exposure, 
and  illness.  The  weaker  men  were  placed  in  the  canoes 
and  they  resumed  the  march. 

On  the  sixth  day  they  rested  and  sent  out  foraging 
parties  to  gather  berries  and  roots  until  noon  when  they 
again  started  forward.  One  party  wandering  from  the 
way  came  to  a  plantation  and  a  barn  filled  with  corn. 
They  broke  down  the  crib  and  fell  upon  the  maize  raven 
ously,  eating  it  raw  in  their  desperate  hunger.  The  rest 
of  the  army  was  notified,  and  forgetting  discipline  and 
order  swarmed  about  the  great  barn  like  ants  on  a  hill. 
Each  man  received  a  small  portion.  They  had  a  skir 
mish  that  afternoon  with  some  Indians  which  was  of  no 
importance  except  that  the  men,  thinking  they  were  at 


8o       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

last  in  touch  with  the  Spaniards,  with  plenty  of  food  in 
sight,  threw  away  the  maize  they  had  saved.  The  Ind 
ians  fled,  and  the  buccaneers  crossed  the  river  and 
struggled  on.  They  were  in  a  state  of  utter  despair,  and 
only  the  heroic  determination  of  Morgan  kept  them  up. 
The  admiral  inspirited  them  by  bribing  the  guides  to  tell 
them  that  they  would  soon  be  at  their  goal. 

On  the  seventh  day  they  arrived  at  a  town  called  Cruz. 
As  they  approached  it  they  saw,  through  the  thick  wood, 
columns  of  smoke  rising  from  every  side.  Imagining 
that  this  betokened  fires  from  the  village  kitchens,  they 
rushed  forward  with  the  eagerness  of  starvation,  only  to 
find  that  the  Spaniards  had  evacuated  the  place,  taking 
everything  eatable  with  them,  and  then  had  set  fire  to  the 
town.  There  were  a  few  stray  cats  and  dogs  prowling 
around  the  deserted  streets;  the  hungry  pirates  fell  upon 
them  and  they  were  soon  killed  and  eaten. 

In  the  only  building  at  Cruz  which  had  not  been 
burned,  they  found  fifteen  jars  of  Peruvian  wine.  Though 
Morgan  spread  a  report  that  the  wine  was  poisoned,  the 
starving  and  desperate  men  could  not  refrain  from  drink 
ing  it.  Many  of  them  became  violently  ill  from  their 
excesses.  The  canoes  with  the  sick  were  now  sent  back 
to  join  the  other  boats. 

On  the  morning  of  the  eighth  day,  Morgan  passed  his 
ragged  tatterdemalions  in  review.  He  found  his  force 
was  reduced  to  eleven  hundred  men.  From  this  number 
he  selected  one  hundred  of  the  strongest  to  lead  the  ad 
vance,  and  then  took  up  the  march  again.  Late  in  the 
evening  while  traversing  a  rocky  pass,  they  were  am 
bushed  by  Indians  who  killed  or  wounded  some  twenty 
men  by  a  flight  of  arrows.  The  buccaneers  fired  blindly 
into  the  woods  and  two  or  three  Indians  fell  from  the 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       81 

heights  into  the  road.  One  of  them  was  evidently  the 
chieftain  of  the  party;  a  brave  man,  for  as  he  lay  wounded 
on  the  rocks  and  one  of  the  buccaneers  made  toward  him 
offering  him  quarter,  he  savagely  tried  to  stab  his  whiter 
— but  no  less  savage — foe.  He  was  instantly  shot  down. 
The  Indians  broke  and  fled  after  the  loss  of  their  leader, 
and  though  the  buccaneers  pursued  them  and  killed  sev 
eral,  they  could  not  capture  any  of  them.  However,  a 
way  had  been  made  through  the  pass,  which  a  hundred 
resolute  men  could  have  held  against  an  army.  The  rain 
beat  down  upon  them  all  that  night  as  they  lay  in  the 
open  without  shelter. 

The  ninth  day  was  a  repetition  of  the  others,  a  day  of 
hunger,  of  labor,  of  despair.  That  day  they  saw  some 
Spaniards  for  the  first  time,  and  although  Morgan  offered 
a  reward  of  three  hundred  crowns  for  every  prisoner 
brought  in,  they  did  not  succeed  in  catching  any.  They 
still  toiled  on,  however,  heading  ever  to  the  southward, 
and  in  the  afternoon  they  climbed  a  mountain,  called  to 
this  day  El  Cerro  de  los  Bucaneros,  or  the  hill  of  the  bucca 
neers,  from  the  top  of  which  they  saw  spread  before  them 
the  heaving  waters  of  the  great  Pacific  Ocean.  The 
sight  had  meant  much  to  Balboa,  more  to  Sir  Francis 
Drake,  it  meant  still  more  to  Morgan  and  his  men.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  the  old  "  Thalatta,"  which  had  risen 
to  the  lips  of  the  ten  thousand  on  a  similar  occasion, 
mingled  with  the  shouts  and  cries  of  that  triumphant 
hour.  Your  most  ruthless  and  dangerous  buccaneer  was 
your  broken-down  gentleman.  They  were  a  desperate, 
ragged  band,  half-naked,  half-starved;  animals  with 
scarcely  a  semblance  of  humanity  left  to  them,  but  they 
knew  that  they  could  get  all  they  needed  in  the  city  near 
at  hand. 
6 


82       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

They  descended  the  mountain  that  afternoon  and  came 
to  a  valley  filled  with  horses,  mules,  and  cows.  The  rav 
enous  buccaneers  fell  upon  them  like  beasts  of  prey. 
They  tore  huge  lumps  of  flesh  from  their  quivering  bodies 
while  the  animals  were  still  alive  and  scarcely  waited  to 
scorch  them  by  the  fire  in  their  frantic  hunger.  Says  a 
contemporary  observer:  "  Covered  with  blood  of  the 
animals  they  had  slain,  they  resembled  cannibals  rather 
than  Christians."  Having  satisfied  their  appetites  with 
the  first  full  meal  they  had  enjoyed  in  ten  days,  they  took 
up  their  march  toward  the  shore.  Ascending  a  little 
eminence  just  at  nightfall  they  saw  the  church  steeples 
of  Panama  bright  in  the  light  of  the  setting  sun.  Salvoes 
of  musketry  and  wild  cheering  rang  in  the  air.  The  red 
flag  under  which  they  fought  was  unfurled  and  saluted 
with  blasts  of  trumpets.  The  camp  was  then  pitched  for 
the  night,  the  sentries  posted  with  care  and  then,  lying 
on  their  arms,  they  sought  much  needed  rest,  in  prepara 
tion  for  the  demands  of  the  morrow. 


V.    The  Sack  of  Panama 

When  the  buccaneers  put  themselves  in  motion  the 
next  morning,  the  tenth  day,  they  marched  for  two  hours 
through  pleasant  valleys  magnificently  wooded  and  di 
versified  by  running  brooks  and  lakes  of  fresh  water.  At 
last  they  halted  upon  the  top  of  a  small  hill.  Beneath 
them  spread  the  fairest  prospect  their  eyes  had  ever 
looked  upon.  If  Cuba  is  the  Pearl  of  the  Antilles,  cer 
tainly  Panama  was  the  Gem  of  the  Pacific.  The  white 
city  lay  before  them  embowered  in  foliage  like  a  "  handful 
of  pearls  in  a  goblet  of  emerald."  Broad  and  fertile  savan 
nas  extended  between  them  and  the  town.  A  large  part 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       83 

of  the  plain  was  under  cultivation  and  the  beach  was 
fringed  with  plantations  shaded  by  groves  of  orange  and 
lemon  trees  mingled  with  tall  clusters  of  cocoanut  palms. 
Beyond  the  city  stretched  the  broad  expanse  of  the  beau 
tiful  Pacific.  It  was  a  picture  of  peace  and  contentment, 
soon  to  be  replaced  by  a  simulacrum  of  hell. 

The  houses  and  shops  of  the  city  were  built  chiefly  of 
cedar  and  stone.  There  were  at  least  seven  thousand 
buildings  in  the  town  and  the  population  numbered  about 
thirty  thousand.  The  city  was  laid  out  in  a  handsome 
and  imposing  manner  with  broad  streets  and  plazas. 
Within  its  walls  eight  monasteries,  a  lofty  cathedral, 
many  churches  and  a  splendid  hospital  attested  the  piety 
and  generosity  of  the  sons  of  Castile.  The  largest  build 
ings,  however,  were  the  great  warehouses  of  the  Genoese 
company,  which  were  tenanted  from  time  to  time  by 
thousands  of  wretched  human  beings  torn  from  their  Afri 
can  homes  to  be  sold  into  slavery.  Out  in  the  harbor 
far  away  rose  the  beautiful  islands  of  Tavoga  and  Tavo- 
gilla. 

Here,  at  stated  times,  arrived  the  great  plate  fleet  laden 
with  treasure  from  the  mines  of  Peru,  which  was  ex 
changed  for  the  negro  slaves  and  for  the  produce  and 
manufacture  of  the  world,  for  Panama  was  the  entrepot 
for  all  the  trade  with  the  South  Seas.  More  than  two 
thousand  mules  were  annually  employed  transferring 
gold  and  silver  alone  to  Puerto  Bello.  It  was  the  strong 
est,  richest,  most  magnificent  city  in  the  New  World. 

It  was  protected  by  walls  and  forts,  one  on  the  Vera 
Cruz  road  mounting  no  less  than  fifty  guns.  There  were 
six  hundred  soldiers  held  in  reserve  in  the  city  and  the 
streets  were  barricaded.  On-  the  plain  between  the  buc 
caneers  and  the  town  an  army  was  drawn  up.  It  com- 


84       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

prised  four  regiments  of  regular  Spanish  infantry,  a  bri 
gade  of  splendid  cavalry,  two  thousand  armed  citizens, 
sixty  Indians  and  some  negroes.  This  formidable  array 
of  over  five  thousand  men,  nearly  fifteen  hundred  of 
whom  were  horsemen,  was  augmented  by  a  strange  aux 
iliary,  consisting  of  two  hundred  wild  and  furious  Span 
ish  bulls,  which  were  with  difficulty  controlled  by  Indians, 
negroes  and  mounted  picadors. 

The  Spanish  soldiers  were  all  brilliantly  uniformed  and 
caparisoned  and  made  a  brave  show  in  the  morning,  ad 
vancing  steadfastly  under  the  great  yellow  silken  flags  of 
Spain.  The  hearts  of  the  buccaneers  sank  at  the  sight 
of  this  army  before  them.  The  task  seemed  beyond  their 
capacity.  If  they  succeeded  in  defeating  this  force  they 
still  would  have  to  deal  with  the  city. 

Morgan  by  one  of  his  brief,  fiery  speeches  succeeded  in 
infusing  some  of  his  own  energy  into  the  ranks  of  his 
ragged,  sullen  men,  numbering  now  scarcely  more  than 
a  thousand  blades.  He  divided  them  into  three  battal 
ions,  sending  two  hundred  picked  marksmen  in  advance 
as  a  forlorn  hope.  When  all  of  his  dispositions  had  been 
completed,  he  pointed  out  that  they  had  no  option,  they 
must  fight  or  die.  The  buccaneers  giving  three  cheers 
desperately  moved  do\vn  the  hill  against  the  enemy.  If 
ever  an  army  fought  with  a  halter  around  its  neck,  it  was 
this.  It  was  a  struggle  not  merely  for  booty  and  lust, 
but  life.  The  thought  nerved  their  arms. 

The  Spaniards  advanced  gallantly,  the  horsemen  lead 
ing.  Morgan  sent  his  forlorn  hope  against  them.  As 
the  Spanish  cavalry  charged,  the  buccaneers  halted  in  a 
bit  of  marshy  ground  into  which  the  horsemen  galloped 
recklessly,  only  to  find  themselves  mired,  checked  and 
thrown  into  confusion.  The  little  party  poured  volley 


Storming   of  the   Fort  at  Chagres. 


Battle  at  Panama. 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       85 

after  volley  into  the  cavalry,  who  made  the  most  strenu 
ous  efforts  to  extricate  themselves  and  advance. 

Meanwhile  the  Spanish  infantry  and  the  main  body  of 
the  buccaneers  opened  fire  upon  each  other.  There  was 
no  comparison  between  the  marksmanship  of  the  rival 
forces.  The  Spaniards  were  mowed  down  in  scores  but 
kept  on  bravely.  At  this  juncture  the  men  in  charge  of 
the  bulls  endeavored  to  drive  them  upon  the  English 
flank.  The  men  on  Morgan's  right  hand  had  not  hunted 
cattle  for  nothing  in  days  gone  by.  By  clever  manoeu 
vring  they  succeeded  in  heading  them  off,  and  the  mad 
dened  animals  rushed  through  the  ranks  of  the  Spanish 
infantry,  trampling  them  and  throwing  them  into  terrible 
confusion.  A  valuable  auxiliary  they  proved  to  the 
pirates. 

After  two  hours  of  fighting,  Morgan  so  manoeuvred 
his  men  that  a  gap  was  opened  in  the  Spanish  line  be 
tween  the  cavalry  and  the  infantry.  Into  this  gap,  with 
the  quickness  of  a  born  soldier,  he  threw  a  small  body 
which  he  had  held  in  reserve,  at  the  same  time  ordering 
a  general  advance  which  he  led  in  person.  The  Span 
ish  line  was  pierced  and  broken.  The  pirates  poured 
through  the  gap  and  extended  themselves  on  either  side. 
Taken  in  reverse  the  horsemen  were  cut  to  pieces.  Over 
six  hundred  of  them  were  killed  outright,  a  large  num 
ber  wounded,  and  the  remainder  were  driven  in  headlong 
flight  from  the  field.  The  forlorn  hope,  which  had  done 
such  effectual  shooting,  now  turned  its  attention  to 
the  disheartened  Spanish  infantry.  It  had  been  beaten 
out  of  all  semblance  of  organization  and  assailed  on  two 
sides  after  a  few  more  volleys  and  some  desultory  firing, 
the  men  broke  and  fled.  The  buccaneers  pursued  them 
unrelentingly,  giving  no  quarter.  The  field  became  a 


86       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

scene  of  indiscriminate  slaughter.  The  Spaniards  were 
completely  broken  and  scattered.  Morgan  had  mean 
while  adroitly  interposed  between  the  Spaniards  and  the 
city,  so  that  only  a  few  fugitives  gained  the  walls. 

Allowing  his  men,  who  were  tired  out  from  hacking, 
hewing,  and  slaughtering,  but  a  short  time  for  rest,  for 
he  appreciated  the  necessity  of  giving  the  Spaniards  no 
time  to  recover  themselves,  Morgan  took  up  his  march 
for  the  city.  Like  a  good  soldier  he  avoided  the  fort  on 
the  Vera  Cruz  road  and  approached  from  the  direction 
of  Puerto  Bello.  The  pirates  were  met  by  a  smart  fire 
from  the  ramparts,  but  their  blood  was  up  now,  and  they 
recked  little  of  works  or  fortifications.  They  carried  the 
outer  works  by  storm  and  poured  into  the  terror  stricken 
city  in  a  resistless  horde.  The  Spaniards  left  there  made 
an  heroic  defence,  fighting  from  street  to  street  and  from 
house  to  house,  until  they  were  cut  to  pieces,  but  nothing 
could  stay  the  onslaught  of  these  human  tigers.  Ere 
sunset  they  were  in  complete  possession  of  the  city. 

Ample  warning  had  been  given  of  the  approach  of  the 
buccaneers  and  many  of  the  wealthy  citizens,  including 
a  large  number  of  women  and  children,  had  fled  to  the 
islands  and  the  surrounding  country.  They  had  taken 
much  treasure  with  them  and  concealed  much  more.  In 
spite  of  this,  however,  the  conquerors  found  themselves 
in  possession  of  a  vast  booty.  The  Spanish  officials  had 
been  confident  that  the  pirates  would  be  unable  to  capt 
ure  the  city.  They  had  trusted  in  the  numbers  and  valor 
of  their  army  and  they  had  therefore  not  destroyed  and 
concealed  everything  and  they  had  not  entirely  depopu 
lated  the  town.  Indeed  it  would  have  been  impossible. 
Morgan,  fearful  lest  his  men  should  get  entirely  out  of 
hand,  enjoined  them,  under  the  severest  penalties,  to 


Morgan  and  His   Buccaneers       87 

drink  no  wine.  They  had  lost  heavily  in  their  tremen 
dous  battle,  probably  not  more  than  six  hundred  able- 
bodied  men  remained  to  him,  and  there  were  many 
wounded  needing  attention.  He  was  fearful  lest  the 
Spaniards,  who  still  greatly  outnumbered  him,  should 
rally  and  overwhelm  his  little  force.  The  men  were  re 
strained  with  the  greatest  difficulty. 

They  had  struggled,  fought,  marched  and  suffered  so 
dreadfully  they  could  scarcely  be  made  to  understand  the 
necessity  for  further  restraint  in  the  presence  of  wine, 
women,  and  treasure  lying  under  their  grimy,  blood 
stained,  lustful,  covetous  hands.  Unable  to  defend  the 
town  with  his  little  force,  Morgan  resorted  to  a  desperate 
expedient.  He  himself  set  fire  to  a  number  of  the  prin 
cipal  buildings  of  the  city,  to  placate  his  men  spreading 
the  report  that  the  Spaniards  had  done  it.  The  night 
was  dry  and  windy  and  the  fire  got  beyond  control,  burn 
ing  down  the  greater  part  of  the  town  before  it  could  be 
checked. 

That  night  the  buccaneers  camped  under  arms  outside 
the  walls.  When  the  fire  finally  burned  itself  out,  Mor 
gan  despatched  a  strong  party  to  the  Chagres  River  to 
announce  the  victory,  and  see  that  all  went  well  with  the 
garrison,  and  then  the  victors  entered  the  trembling  city. 
They  fortified  the  Church  of  the  Trinity,  raised  earth 
works  about  it,  and  mounted  all  the  guns  they  could 
crowd  in  the  plaza.  The  remainder  of  the  guns  on  the 
walls  and  the  forts  were  spiked. 

Then  began  the  search  for  treasure.  That  night  the 
passions  of  hell  pent  up  in  their  bosoms,  and,  burning 
more  fiercely  from  their  unaccustomed  restraint,  were  let 
loose.  The  bright  moon  from  the  clear  heaven  looked 
down  in  all  its  tender  tropic  splendor  upon  such  a  carni- 


88       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

val  of  crime  and  debauchery  as  possibly  the  world  had 
never  seen.  The  sacking  of  a  town  is  a  most  frightful 
event,  even  when  it  is  done  by  regular  soldiery,  but  when 
the  army  is  made  up  of  men  like  the  buccaneers,  there 
are  added  to  the  scene  touches  of  horror  and  atrocities 
which  no  pen  can  describe.  The  lust  and  greed  of  the 
conquerors  was  proportioned  to  the  difficulties  they  had 
undergone  in  achieving  the  conquest. 

Rapine,  murder,  plunder,  outrage,  drunkenness,  ex 
cesses  of  every  kind,  filled  the  night  with  misery. 
Neither  old  age  nor  youth,  beauty  nor  innocence,  wisdom 
nor  folly,  good  nor  evil,  were  spared.  It  is  impossible 
to  depict  the  horrors  of  the  period.  The  wounded  and 
the  prisoners  were  crowded  into  the  churches  where  they 
had  so  often  worshipped  and  were  left  to  starve  or  die. 
Tortures  of  every  kind  which  their  rude  ingenuity  could 
suggest  were  inflicted  upon  helpless  victims  to  make 
them  disclose  the  hiding  place  of  their  treasures. 
Women  killed  themselves,  happy  if  they  could  deliver 
the  blow  which  ended  their  lives  before  they  were  forced 
to  submit  to  their  conquerors.  Others  less  fortunate, 
struggling  in  the  arms  of  these  demons  in  human  shape 
besought  piteously  and  in  vain  for  that  death  they  would 
have  so  gladly  welcomed. 

For  days  these  practices  continued.  They  hung  the 
prisoners  up  by  their  beards  and  the  hair  of  their  heads, 
or  by  a  single  arm  or  leg,  and  let  them  swing.  They  drew 
them  as  tight  as  they  could  with  tackles  on  their  arms 
and  legs  and  then  beat  them  with  rattans.  They  tied 
slow  matches  beneath  their  fingers  and  toes,  lighted  them 
and  let  them  burn.  They  improvised  racks  which  tore 
off  limb  after  limb,  they  broke  them  upon  wheels,  sus 
pended  them  in  the  air  and  loaded  them  with  timbers  and 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       89 

stones  until  their  arms  pulled  out.  But  their  favorite 
method  of  torture,  favorite  because  it  was  so  easy  and 
efficacious,  consisted  in  tying  a  stout  cord  around  the 
head  of  the  victim,  inserting  the  barrel  of  a  pistol  between 
the  forehead  and  the  cord  and  twisting  the  cord  until  the 
eyes  sprang  from  their  sockets!  The  only  mercy  they 
exhibited  was  sometimes  to  kill  those  whom  they  had 
tortured.  The  Spaniards  were  completely  broken,  and 
though  small  bodies  of  men  were  seen  from  time  to  time 
hovering  about  the  city  they  never  made  any  attack  or 
rallied  in  sufficient  numbers  to  become  formidable. 

Parties  of  buccaneers  daily  scoured  the  country  in  all 
directions,  going  out  in  the  morning  with  light  hearts 
and  high  hopes  and  returning  in  the  evening  loaded  with 
spoil  and  driving  before  them  parties  of  wretched  men 
and  women  whom  they  had  routed  from  their  fastnesses. 
Morgan  manned  a  small  boat  in  the  harbor  with  twenty- 
five  men  and  sent  it  after  a  great  ship  which  was  loaded 
with  church  plate  and  other  treasure,  and  contained  over 
four  hundred  women,  which  had  been  sent  away  the 
morning  of  the  capture  of  the  city.  It  was  a  prize  which 
appealed  to  the  buccaneers  from  every  standpoint.  The 
party  located  the  galleon  at  evening  and  determined, 
under  the  stimulus  of  the  wine  they  had  taken  and  the 
pleasant  prospect  presented  by  a  score  of  unfortunate 
women  they  captured,  to  defer  taking  her  until  the  morn 
ing.  When  the  next  morning  came  she  was  gone  with 
all  her  precious  freight.  The  escape  is  the  one  bright 
incident  in  this  chronicle  of  horror.  The  little  party  re 
turned  after  capturing  a  Spanish  brigantine  carrying 
twenty  thousand  pieces  of  eight. 

Morgan  now  set  forth  with  three  hundred  and  fifty 
men  to  scour  the  country  far  and  wide,  raiding  every 


90       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

plantation,  torturing  every  master  and  outraging  every 
mistress  they  came  across.  When  he  returned  he  found 
that  a  shipload  of  Spaniards  had  arrived  from  the  south, 
ignorant  of  the  capture  of  the  fort.  Among  them  was  a 
woman  of  surpassing  beauty  and  heroic  soul,  the  young 
wife  of  a  rich  merchant  in  Peru.  The  buccaneer  fell  in 
love  with  her.  The  ogre  washed  his  blood-stained  hands, 
clothed  himself  in  the  rich  vestments  of  his  captives,  paid 
his  court  to  her,  and  laid  the  treasure  of  his  heart  at  her 
feet.  He  caused  her  to  be  comfortably  lodged  and  re 
spectfully  treated  while  he  prosecuted  his  attentions. 
She  repulsed  him  with  disdain.  When,  inflamed  by  her 
resistance,  he  would  have  outraged  her,  she  snatched  his 
own  dagger  from  his  side  and  swore  that  if  he  laid  hand 
upon  her  she  would  poniard  herself  before  his  eyes.  The 
brute  must  have  been  really  in  love  with  her,  for  he  spared 
her  life  in  spite  of  her  refusal.  Though  he  treated  her 
to  the  greatest  indignities,  she  succeeded  in  preserving 
her  honor  in  spite  of  all.  She  was  the  one  woman  who 
came  forth  unharmed  from  the  hands  of  the  buccaneers. 
The  magnitude  of  their  capture,  the  quantity  of  their 
booty,  the  terrible  license  which  had  prevailed,  created 
dissension  and  distrust  between  the  men  and  their  offi 
cers,  which  especially  vented  itself  upon  Morgan.  The 
most  solemn  oath  of  buccaneering  was  that  the  spoil 
should  be  fairly  apportioned  and  that  there  should  be  no 
individual  concealment.  This  was  violated,  Morgan  him 
self,  it  was  more  than  suspected,  doing  the  most  of  it. 
One  hundred  of  the  buccaneers  conspired  to  seize  a  boat 
and  make  for  the  South  Seas.  Morgan  discovered  the 
conspiracy,  burnt  the  boat  and  punished  the  malcontents 
severely.  His  position  was  a  difficult  one.  If  he  had 
not  played  off  the  different  bands  of  adventurers  divided 


Morgan  and  His  Buccaneers       91 

into  jealous  nationalities,  against  one  another,  he  would 
probably  have  been  deposed.  As  it  was,  he  held  the 
command  in  an  iron  grasp. 

Finally,  after  utterly  ruining  what  was  left  of  the  town, 
the  buccaneers  took  their  departure  on  February  24, 
1671.  They  had  a  vast  amount  of  precious  merchandise, 
one  hundred  and  seventy-five  beasts  of  burden  laden  with 
gold,  silver  and  jewels  alone,  and  six  hundred  prisoners 
held  for  ransom. 

The  pirates  were  divided  into  a  van  and  rear  guard, 
with  the  prisoners  between  them.  They  marched  cir 
cumspectly  under  arms.  The  unfortunate  captives,  espe 
cially  the  women  and  children,  suffered  horribly,  but  they 
were  driven  forward  relentlessly.  Those  who  fainted 
and  died  on  the  roadside  were  counted  happy  by  those 
who  survived.  Those  who  had  been  young  and  beauti 
ful  before  they  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  buccaneers,  fared 
the  worst. 

The  Spanish  woman  who  had  so  bravely  held  her  honor 
against  Morgan's  advances,  was  taken  with  the  rest.  She 
sent  two  priests  to  friends  of  her  husband  to  get  her 
ransom  money — fifteen  thousand  pieces  of  eight!  They 
had  betrayed  their  trust  and  had  used  the  money  to 
rescue  some  of  their  own  friends.  When  Morgan  learned 
of  this  fact  he  released  the  woman  without  ransom,  and 
treated  the  messengers  with  the  utmost  rigor.  It  is  the 
one  solitary  act  of  clemency  and  mercy  which  appears  in 
his  whole  history.  When  the  party  reached  the  village  of 
Cruz,  Morgan  halted  until  all  but  a  few  of  the  poor  pris 
oners  were  redeemed.  The  false  messengers,  by  the  pay 
ment  of  a  prodigious  sum  of  money,  escaped  a  just  ret 
ribution  for  their  treachery.  The  treasure  was  unloaded 
and  embarked  in  boats  and  sent  down  the  river  to  Bar- 


92       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

bacoa.  There,  a  muster  of  the  buccaneers  was  held,  and 
everyone  was  searched  for  concealed  booty,  Morgan 
himself  setting-  an  example  by  submitting  to  the  search. 
The  search  was  most  thoroughly  done,  but  in  a  way 
which  greatly  infuriated  the  sated,  covetous  pirates.  The 
men  were  even  compelled  to  discharge  their  firearms  lest 
they  had  concealed  jewels  in  the  gun  barrels. 

The  band,  now  almost  in  a  state  of  revolt,  took  up  the 
march  and  finally  reached  the  Chagres  once  more.  Mor 
gan  and  a  body  of  his  favorites,  mainly  English,  were  in 
terror  of  their  lives.  They  put  a  bold  front  upon  the 
situation,  however,  and  the  day  after  their  arrival  they 
divided  the  booty,  which  amounted  to  over  two  million 
dollars,  or  pieces  of  eight,  in  cash,  not  counting  the  value 
of  silk,  cloth  of  gold,  arms  and  merchandise.  The  jewels 
were  sold  unfairly,  the  admiral  and  his  friends  buying  the 
greater  part  for  a  mere  song;  besides  which,  in  spite  of  the 
search,  Morgan  had  found  means  to  conceal  an  immense 
treasure  in  small  compass.  The  buccaneers  were  dis 
gusted  and  infuriated  at  the  small  sum  which  they  indi 
vidually  received,  and  they  even  proposed  to  seize  Mor 
gan  and  compel  him  to  disgorge  and  re-divide.  He  got 
wind  of  their  intention,  however,  and  treacherously  aban 
doned  the  main  body  by  stealing  out  of  the  harbor  in  his 
own  ship  followed  by  four  English  vessels,  whose  cap 
tains  and  crews  had  been  in  his  confidence. 

VI.    The  End  of  the  Buccaneer 

Morgan  returned  to  Jamaica,  and,  contrary  to  his  cus 
tom,  invested  his  money,  foreswore  pirating  and  married 
the  daughter  of  one  of  the  principal  men  of  the  island. 
His  position  was  an  uneasy  one,  however,  and  it  was 


Morgan  and  His   Buccaneers       93 

rumored  among  the  buccaneers  who  escaped  from  the 
Chagres  in  small  detachments,  wandering  to  various 
parts  of  the  Caribbean  and  never  apparently  assembling 
in  great  force  again,  that  Morgan,  fearing  for  his  life, 
had  determined  to  take  possession,  with  a  party  of  con 
genial  spirits,  of  the  famous  island  of  St.  Catherine,  and 
take  up  the  old  trade  again.  The  men,  whose  former 
affection  for  him  was  now  turned  to  bitterest  hatred,  de 
termined  to  waylay  him  on  his  voyage  and  capture  him 
with  his  wife,  children,  and  treasure.  But  before  Morgan 
could  get  away  a  new  governor  arrived  at  Jamaica  with 
a  royal  order  to  send  Morgan  to  England  to  answer  to 
the  complaints  of  the  king  of  Spain. 

Undoubtedly  the  reformed  pirate  did  not  find  this  a 
hard  matter;  possibly  some  of  the  gold,  silver  and  jewels 
of  Panama  found  their  way,  beside  the  French  crowns, 
into  the  coffers  of  the  needy  English  king,  for  Charles  II 
disgraced  knighthood  by  giving  this  dishonored  advent 
urer  the  royal  accolade!  Sir  Henry  Morgan  returned 
to  Jamaica  in  triumph  where  he  continued  his  respect 
able  career  and  rose  to  positions  of  prominence.  In  1680, 
the  Earl  of  Carlisle,  the  then  governor  of  the  island,  re 
turned  to  England  on  account  of  ill  health,  and  left 
Morgan  as  the  deputy  governor!  The  old  buccaneer  had 
his  hour.  He  remembered  his  old  comrades  and  the 
threats  they  had  made  against  him,  and  he  used  his  new 
found  authority  to  apprehend  them  and  hang  them  with 
out  mercy  until  the  arrival  of  a  new  governor  put  a  stop 
to  his  revenge.  When  his  royal  protector,  Charles  II, 
died,  he  was  thrown  into  prison,  and  of  his  further  fate 
nothing  is  known. 

If  any  man  ever  earned  a  place  in  hell  Morgan  did, 
and  when  we  read  of  his  atrocities  in  the  rude  chronicles 


94       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

of  the  past,  we  can  easily  be  unchristian  enough  to  hope 
that  he  got  it. 

There  is  another  thought  which  rises  in  the  mind  in 
connection  with  the  story  of  the  sufferings  of  the  Span 
iards  in  Central  America,  and  it  is  a  thought  of  retribu 
tion.  The  chronicles  of  their  own  people  and  the  testi 
mony  of  impartial  observers  show  that  in  their  period  of 
domination  they  had  treated  the  unfortunate  aborigines 
of  the  land  with  a  cruelty  and  rapacity  which  would  have 
made  an  Aztec  warrior  blush  and  put  even  a  buccaneer 
to  shame.  When  they  suffered  under  the  expeditions  of 
the  buccaneers  they  might  look  back  upon  the  peaceful 
populations  they  had  exterminated,  the  wretched  women 
they  had  debauched,  and  the  smiling  land  they  had  de 
stroyed  in  their  lust  for  gold,  and  remember  that  rext  of 
Scripture,  which  says: 

0  With  what  Measure  Ye  Mete,  it  shall  be  Measured  to 
You  Again." 


PART  II 
GENTLEMEN    OF   THE   BLACK   FLAG 

II 

Under  the  "Jolly  Roger" 


UNDER   THE   "JOLLY    ROGER " 

I.    Robert  Maynard  Stamps  Out  Blackbeard 

THE  year  1701  which  marked  the  accession  of 
Philip  V,  a  Bourbon  Prince,  to  the  throne 
of  Spain,  and  saw  the  entrance  of  Louis  XIV 
of  France  into  the  field  of  Spanish  colonial  power,  also 
marked  the  end  of  the  buccaneer.  It  was  one  thing  for 
the  English  "  Brethren  of  the  coast,"  the  "  gentlemen 
adventurers  "  of  the  Spanish  Main  to  make  war  upon  the 
weak  and  neglected  outlying  dependencies  of  a  decadent 
power  like  Spain,  and  quite  another  to  attempt  to  con 
tinue  the  practice  when  the  Spanish  colonies  were  pro 
tected  by  the  white  flag  of  France.  Their  careers  were 
closed  forthwith. 

The  situation  threw  the  buccaneers  into  consternation. 
What  could  gentlemen  of  the  sword  who  had  been  ac 
customed  to  plunder  where  they  listed,  to  rob  and  mur 
der  at  their  own  sweet  will,  do  to  make  a  living  under 
such  circumstances?  Honest  labor,  industrious  toil  were 
not  to  be  thought  of.  What  happened?  A  few — a  very 
few — of  them  reformed;  many  of  them  died  of  excesses 
and  dissipation,  or  ended  their  careers  in  the  common 
gaols  for  a  wide  variety  of  crimes;  most  of  them,  how 
ever,  became — should  I  say  degenerated  into? — out  and 
out  pirates  and  in  a  spirit  of  universal  hostility  warred 
against  everybody. 

7  97 


98       Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

The  "  Jolly  Roger  "  with  its  ghastly  "  death's  head 
and  crossbones  "  on  a  black  field,  supplanted  the  various 
ensigns  of  the  buccaneers.  In  greatly  diminished  com 
panies  the  ruffians — and  others  inspired  by  their  suc 
cesses,  including  two  women  pirates! — undertook  plun 
dering  and  murdering  expeditions  thereafter  in  ships  and 
vessels  of  various  sizes,  as  they  could  compass  them, 
sweeping  the  ocean  in  every  direction  and  generally  con 
fining  their  undertakings  to  the  high  seas.  It  was  not 
until  1730  that  they  were  completely  put  down  by  the 
combined  efforts  of  everybody  who  was  respectable,  and 
peaceful  ships  were  allowed  to  sail  the  ocean  with  a  mini 
mum  of  anxiety  and  a  maximum  of  safety  from  these 
rapacious  and  bloodthirsty  plunderers. 

The  buccaneer  had  a  few  virtues  usually — as  bravery 
and  fidelity  to  his  associates — just  enough  to  throw  into 
high  relief  the  hideous  agglomeration  of  his  vices.  The 
pirate  had  no  good  qualities  whatsoever,  even  his  courage 
was  fitful  as  a  rule,  and  usually  failed  him  in  the  end.  I 
have  chosen  two  as  typical  illustrations  of  the  brood  and 
because  they  were  captured  by  two  gallant  gentlemen 
after  two  as  pretty  fights  of  the  kind  as  ever  took  place. 

Drummond,  Teach,  Thatch,  "  Blackbeard,"  so  the 
catalogue  of  aliases  and  descriptive  titles  runs,  was  origi 
nally  a  sailor — an  "  indifferent  honest  "  man,  I  take  it — 
of  Bristol,  England.  In  the  long  war  of  the  Spanish 
Succession  he  had  been  at  various  times  an  officer,  part 
owner,  and  commander  of  a  privateer.  He  had  suffered 
financial  losses  and  met  with  galling  personal  indignities 
from  the  French  in  his  several  cruises.  On  one  occa 
sion  having  been  taken  prisoner  he  had  been  wofully 
treated  during  his  confinement,  undergoing  great  hard 
ships  before  he  escaped  from  captivity.  When  peace  was 


Under  the  "Jolly  Roger"         99 

declared  in  1715,  and  he  was  forced  to  return  some  of 
the  prizes  he  had  taken,  he  found  himself  practically  a 
ruined  man.  In  company  with  a  Mr.  Benjamin  Horni- 
gold — a  singularly  appropriate  name  for  a  pirate — he 
proceeded  to  make  individual  war  on  his  own  account 
against  the  French.  The  right  of  private  vengeance  of 
this  character  not  being  recognized  by  the  law  of  nations 
he  speedily  found  himself  an  outlaw  and  promptly  de 
generated  into  a  professional  pirate.  In  this  day  he 
would  probably  have  been  sent  to  a  lunatic  asylum,  where 
he  belonged. 

The  much  frequented  and  carefully  patrolled  waters 
of  Europe  soon  became  exceedingly  dangerous  places 
for  the  indulgence  of  his  piratical  proclivities,  so  he 
hoisted  the  black  flag  and  bore  away  for  that  halcyon 
section  of  men  of  like  ilk,  the  American  coast.  Of  all 
those  who  cruised  up  and  down  in  our  waters — and  they 
were  a  choice  lot  of  scoundrels,  certainly — he  became 
preeminent  for  cruelty,  brutality,  depravity,  and  success. 
Blackbeard,  his  name,  or  his  pseudonym  rather,  became 
painfully  known  from  one  end  of  the  coast  to  the  other. 
He  was  so  styled  from  an  immense  black  beard  with 
which  he  was  endowed,  which  he  was  accustomed  to 
plait  in  two  long  braids  and  tie  them  up  behind  his  ears 
with  delicate  blue  ribbons — a  nice  combination,  that! 
When  he  went  into  action  it  was  his  practice  to  stick 
lighted  matches  *  under  his  hat  to  give  his  face  a  terrify 
ing  appearance.  In  addition  to  the  usual  belt  studded 
with  weapons  he  habitually  wore  another  one  across  his 
breast  from  which  depended  as  many  pistols  as  he  could 
hang  on  it. 

*  Slow  matches,  of  course,  which  were  used  for  igniting  the  priming  of  the 
cannon. 


ioo     Colonial   Fights  and   Fighters 

He  was  a  man  of  huge  proportions  and  of  herculean 
strength,  but  ineffably  base  and  cruel,  yet  he  knew  how 
to  control  the  ruthless  bands  of  human  hyenas  and  wolves 
which  he  assembled  from  time  to  time.  He  used  to 
shoot  one  of  them  every  once  in  a  while  to  keep  his  hand 
in  and  make  the  rest  feel  that  he  was  master!  One  of 
his  men,  whose  name  Stevenson  has  appropriated  to  the 
coxswain  in  his  immortal  romance  Treasure  Island,  was 
called  Israel  Hands.  For  some  reason  Hands  was  not 
executed  when  the  usual  fate  befell  Blackbeard  and  the 
rest  and  he  told  a  story  of  how  the  pirate  chief — query: 
why  chief,  I  wonder? — entertaining  some  of  his  men  at 
dinner  one  night  in  his  cabin  suddenly  blew  out  the  light 
and  began  to  shoot  at  the  legs  of  the  men  under  the  table, 
just  to  let  them  know  he  was  there!  It  was  a  wonder — 
and  a  pity — some  one  did  not  kill  him. 

On  one  occasion,  the  weather  being  mild  and  the  ship 
needing  no  attention,  he  called  all  hands  into  the  hold, 
closed  the  hatches,  and  set  fire  to  a  barrel  of  sulphur  with 
the  truthful  remark  that  since  they  were  all  devils  and 
the  ship  was  a  perfect  hell,  he  intended  to  see  how  much 
of  the  real  thing  in  the  way  of  popular  accessories  they 
could  stand.  He  remained  there  until  his  men  were  al 
most  choked  to  death,  although  he  himself  did  not  ap 
pear  to  be  seriously  affected — possibly  because  he  was 
more  of  a  devil  than  the  rest.  I  quote  from  a  quaint  old 
book  a  portion  of  his  journal.  He  was  a  semi-literary 
pirate,  it  seems. 

"Such  a  Day.  Rum  all  out: — Our  company  some 
what  sober; — A  damn'd  Confusion  amongst  us! — 
Rogues  a  plotting; — great  Talk  of  separation. — So  I 
look'd  Sharp  for  a  Prize: — Such  a  Day,  took  one  with 
a  Great  deal  of  Liquor  on  Board,  so  Kept  the  Com- 


Under  the   " Jolly  Roger"        101 

pany  hot,  damn'd  hot; — then  all  things  went  well 
again." 

It  was  his  habit  after  a  profitable  cruise  to  turn  his 
ill-got  plunder  into  cash  at  the  first  convenient  town, 
then  get  rid  of  his  crew  either  by  dismissing  them  or 
marooning  them  on  desolate  islands  where  they  might 
starve  or  die  for  all  he  cared,  while  he  spent  his  money 
on  shore  and  deluded  himself  with  the  idea  that  he  was 
having  a  good  time  and  enjoying  life!  The  pirates  were 
exceedingly  good  customers  of  the  townspeople  along 
the  shore — those  who  owned  no  ships,  that  is — from 
Massachusetts  to  Carolina,  and  by  confining  their  prey 
ing  strictly  to  the  sea  were  in  high  favor  with  land 
lubbers. 

Among  other  things,  Blackbeard  was  accustomed  to 
indulge  himself  in  marriage,  which  he  did  to  the  extent 
of  fourteen  wives  in  different  places!  What  sort  of  a 
woman  could  she  be  who  would  marry  him,  I  wonder? 
He  would  linger  on  shore  until  his  money  was  gone,  then 
he  would  beg,  borrow,  or  steal — more  often  the  latter — 
a  small  boat,  desert  his  latest  wife,  assemble  another  crew 
and  proceed  upon  his  nefarious  way  once  more.  If  he 
captured  a  better  ship  than  his  own  he  appropriated  it. 
By  this  means  he  once  had  under  his  command  a  large 
ship  mounting  forty  guns  which  he  called  Queen  Anne's 
Revenge,  though  what  that  gentle  and  rather  stupid  prin 
cess  could  have  to  revenge,  and  why  she  was  connected 
even  thus  innocently  with  piracy  is  hard  to  under 
stand. 

On  this  vessel  he  performed  two  notable  exploits.  He 
beat  off  His  Majesty's  ship-of-war  Scarborough,  of  twenty 
guns,  after  a  long  and  severe  engagement  and  then  taking 
his  station  off  the  harbor  of  Charles  Town,  South  Caro- 


102     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

lina,  he  captured  all  the  outgoing  and  incoming  mer 
chant  ships  for  several  days.  One  of  them  contained  a 
number  of  important  personages  who  were  returning  to 
England.  After  sinking  the  ship  and  plundering  the 
passengers,  being  in  need  of  medicine,  spirits,  and  other 
things,  the  audacious  pirate  sent  a  demand  to  Governor 
Johnson  for  these  necessaries  and  stated  that  if  his  re 
quest  were  not  complied  with  at  once  he  would  proceed 
to  murder  his  prisoners! 

His  emissary's  boat  was  wrecked  and  the  time  set  for 
his  return  having  elapsed  Blackbeard  cold-bloodedly  set 
about  carrying  out  his  threat.  Fortunately  for  them, 
however,  just  as  they  were  to  be  executed,  a  messenger 
came  off  to  the  ship  explaining  the  cause  of  the  delay  and 
they  were  respited  for  another  day,  at  the  end  of  which 
time  the  humiliating  terms  were  complied  with.  It  was 
hard  on  Johnson  and  the  Carolinians,  but  they  had  to  do 
it.  Blackbeard  set  the  prisoners  on  shore  far  from 
Charles  Town,  as  it  was  called  then,  which  they  finally 
reached  after  many  hardships. 

On  the  occasion  of  his  marriage  to  his  fourteenth  wife 
after  he  had  marooned  most  of  his  company,  he  had  gone 
to  Bath,  North  Carolina,  on  the  Pamlico  River,  where  he 
had  taken  advantage  of  the  king's  amnesty  and  abjured 
and  renounced  his  former  practices.  Governor  Eden 
was  present  at  the  marriage.  He  was  also  present  at  the 
distribution  of  the  plunder  which  took  place  shortly  after 
when  Blackbeard  resumed  his  former  avocation,  the  gu 
bernatorial  share  in  one  capture  being  some  sixty  barrels 
of  sugar.  It  was  lucrative  partnership  for  His  Majesty's 
representative. 

Emboldened  by  this  connection  the  pirate's  rapacity 
passed  all  bounds.  He  began  to  plunder  the  ships  of 


Under  the  " Jolly  Roger"        103 

those  who  had  hitherto  tolerated  his  existence  and  prac 
tices  for  commercial  reasons.  The  governor  still  pro 
tected  him  and  complaints  proved  unavailing.  Indeed, 
the  complicity  of  Governor  Eden  was  so  apparent  to  the 
merchants  of  North  Carolina,  whose  ships  had  suffered 
severely  from  this  red  scourge,  that  in  their  desperation 
they  appealed  to  the  famous  Alexander  Spotswood,  Gov 
ernor  of  Virginia,  to  rid  them  of  Blackbeard's  presence. 
Virginia  had  suffered  with  the  rest  and  the  governor 
acted  promptly,  and  with  the  concurrence  of  the  bur 
gesses  determined  to  settle  Blackbeard  forever. 

There  happened  to  be  two  of  His  Majesty's  ships-of- 
war  lying  in  the  Chesapeake  at  the  time,  the  Pearl  and 
the  Lyme.  Robert  Maynard,  a  dashing  young  officer, 
was  a  lieutenant  on  the  Pearl.  He  volunteered  to  lead 
an  expedition  to  destroy  the  pirate.  Two  small  sloops 
were  hastily  procured  and  manned  and  word  having  been 
received  that  Blackbeard  with  a  new  schooner  lay  at 
Ocracoke.  Inlet,  Maynard  at  once  made  his  way  thither. 
Blackbeard's  schooner  mounted  eight  guns  and  was  a 
heavy  overmatch  for  the  two  sloops,  although  as  they 
each  carried  upwards  of  thirty  men  they  had  nearly  twice 
as  many  fighters  as  the  pirates. 

Maynard  came  within  sight  of  the  pirate  late  on  the 
evening  of  the  2ist  of  November,  1718.  Placing  his 
ships  so  that  they  barred  the  exit  he  waited  until  morn 
ing  to  make  the  attack.  Blackbeard,  whose  vessel  was 
aground  in  the  shallow  water,  also  prepared  for  the  ex 
pected  battle.  In  the  morning  by  lightening  his  vessels 
and  using  sweeps,  the  Englishman  approached  the  pirate. 
One  of  the  chroniclers  records  a  quaint  dialogue  which 
purports  to  have  taken  place  between  the  two  command 
ers  ere  the  battle  was  joined. 


Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Blackbeard  in  all  his  awe-inspiring  paraphernalia, 
which  was  so  terrifying  to  women  and  children  and 
peaceful  traders,  but  rather  amusing  to  men  of  war, 
mounted  on  the  rail  and  called  out: 

"  Damn  you  for  villains,  who  are  you?  And  from 
whence  come  you?  " 

''  You  may  see  from  our  colors  we  are  no  pyrates,"  re 
plied  Maynard. 

"  Send  a  boat  aboard!  "  roared  the  other. 

"  I  cannot  spare  my  boat,  but  I  will  come  aboard  of 
you  as  I  can  with  my  sloop,"  answered  Maynard,  urging 
his  men  to  redoubled  efforts  at  the  oars. 

Blackbeard  sprang  to  the  rail  of  his  schooner  and  seiz 
ing  a  bottle  of  whiskey  drank  from  it  and  then  shouted 
the  following  toast: 

"  Damnation  seize  my  soul  if  I  give  you  Quarters  or 
take  any  from  you!" 

"  I  neither  ask  for,  nor  will  I  give  you  any  quarters," 
replied  Maynard. 

At  this  juncture  the  second  sloop  got  aground,  but 
Maynard  dashed  on  alone.  Having  come  within  range 
of  the  small  cannon  on  the  pirate  schooner  Blackbeard 
opened  fire  with  a  heavy  broadside  of  "  langridge  " — a 
hideous  and  death-dealing  charge  of  nails,  balls,  old  iron, 
scraps,  etc. — a  discharge  which  did  great  execution.  As 
Maynard's  men  were  entirely  exposed  no  less  than  twenty 
of  them  were  killed  or  wounded.  Fortunately  a  breeze 
having  sprung  up  which  rendered  the  use  of  sweeps  un 
necessary,  Maynard  directed  the  remainder  of  his  crew 
to  go  below  and  conceal  themselves  in  the  hold.  He 
made  the  man  at  the  helm  who  steered  the  sloop  lie  down 
on  the  deck  while  he  himself  stood  up  alone  on  the  deck 
covered  with  the  dead.  The  pirates  poured  furious  dis- 


Under  the  "Jolly  Roger"        105 

charges  upon  him  but  in  the  smoke  and  confusion  fort 
unately  he  remained  untouched. 

Presently  the  little  sloop  fell  aboard  the  pirate  still 
aground.  As  the  two  vessels  came  together  the  pirates 
hurled  a  lot  of  improvised  hand  grenades  on  the  deck  of 
the  sloop  which  exploded  without  doing  much  damage, 
and  seeing  no  one  in  the  smoke,  Blackbeard  at  the  head 
of  fourteen  of  his  men  sprang  aboard  of  it.  As  the 
boarders  gained  the  decks  the  wind  caught  the  sloop  and 
drove  her  clear  of  the  schooner,  which  still  contained 
about  as  many  men  as  had  reached  the  sloop. 

The  separation  was  unlucky  for  the  pirate.  Maynard 
calling  his  men  from  below  at  once  sprang  forward  and 
engaged  the  enemy.  There  were  but  thirteen  English 
men  to  meet  fifteen  pirates.  The  conflict  was  extremely 
severe.  The  two  commanders  at  once  crossed  swords, 
but  the  pirate  had  at  last  met  his  match  in  the  honest 
man.  After  eight  of  his  men  had  been  killed  and  he  him 
self  had  received — so  the  veracious  chroniclers  state — no 
less  than  twenty-five  wounds,  his  throat  was  pierced  by 
the  sword  of  the  gallant  Maynard,  who  had  himself  been 
severely  wounded.  Blackbeard's  pirate  days  were  over. 
The  seven  pirates  remaining,  all  wounded,  were  captured. 
Most  of  Maynard's  twelve  had  been  wounded  and  sev 
eral  were  killed.  The  decks  of  the  little  sloop  were 
deluged  with  blood. 

Meanwhile,  the  other  sloop  had  floated  with  the  rising 
tide  and  had  engaged  and  captured  the  pirate  schooner 
and  the  balance  of  the  crew  after  a  stout  but  unavailing 
resistance.  The  pirates'  papers  showed  conclusively  that 
Governor  Eden  had  been  associated  with  them.  May 
nard  acted  promptly.  He  sailed  up  to  Bath,  North 
Carolina,  broke  open  the  governor's  storehouse  and 


io6     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

carried  off  everything  which  the  books  showed  had  been 
received  from  the  pirates,  including  the  sugar.  Taking 
his  prisoners  and  bringing  the  body  of  Blackbeard  he 
then  sailed  back  to  Virginia.  He  entered  the  Chesa 
peake  with  the  head  of  the  decapitated  ruffian  swinging 
by  his  long  hair  from  the  bowsprit  end.  The  body  of  the 
pirate  was  hung  in  chains  in  a  place  known  thereafter  as 
"  Blackbeard's  Island."  He  was  surrounded  by  the  un- 
decapitated  bodies  of  his  crew,  with  the  exception  of 
Israel  Hands  mentioned  above.  For  a  long  time  the 
more  reckless  spirits  among  the  hard-drinking  squires 
who  were  wont  to  assemble  at  Williamsburg,  the  Do 
minion  capital,  were  accustomed  to  drink  rum  punch  out 
of  a  huge  silver-mounted  bowl,  the  bottom  of  which  was 
composed  of  the  skull  of  the  infamous  pirate.  The 
curious  bowl,  like  the  custom,  has  happily  been  lost. 

It  was  a  most  gallant  and  heroic  expedition  and  brill 
iantly  carried  out  on  the  part  of  young  Maynard.  It 
apparently  elicited  no  particular  attention  from  the  home 
authorities  at  the  time,  however,  and  Maynard  received 
no  especial  reward  for  his  services,  for  the  records  show 
that  he  did  not  receive  his  commission  as  captain  until 
twenty  years  after  this  exploit.  In  modern  days  the 
recognition  of  such  a  successful  enterprise  would  have 
been  prompt  and  adequate. 

II.    Colonel  Rhett  and  Major  Bonnet 

That  these  military  titles  should  appertain  to  a  fero 
cious  pirate  and  his  gallant  captor  is  a  thing  which  might 
at  first  be  thought  strange.  Soldiers  often  have  pirat 
ical  instincts,  to  be  sure,  but  they  do  not  usually  exhibit 
them  on  the  sea.  Circumstances,  however,  bring  about 


Under  the  " Jolly  Roger"        107 

strange  results  and,  contrary  to  the  rule  in  the  case  of 
poets,  pirates  seem  to  be  made  rather  than  born. 

Early  in  the  eighteenth  century  there  lived  at  Bridge 
town,  in  the  Island  of  Barbados,  a  retired  officer  of  the 
English  army  whose  name  was  Stede  Bonnet.  He  was 
a  man  of  good  birth,  independent  fortune,  and  no  little 
education.  He  was  prosperous  and  respected  by  his 
neighbors,  and  apparently  there  was  no  reason  why  he 
should  not  have  continued  to  hold  their  respect  while  he 
pursued  the  even  tenor  of  his  way  until  the  end.  In  the 
spring  of  the  year  1717,  however,  he  lightly  took  it  into 
his  head  to  become  a  pirate! 

The  cause  of  this  determination  has  always  been  more 
or  less  of  a  mystery.  What  could  have  induced  an  eld 
erly  man  who  had  been  a  professional  soldier  and  who 
knew  absolutely  nothing  about  the  sea,  to  become  a 
pirate,  especially  as  he  was  not  driven  by  the  pressure  of 
want  or  by  the  consciousness  of  injury,  or  by  any  other 
assignable  cause  to  undertake  this  nefarious  profession? 
Only  one  reason  has  ever  been  alleged  and  that  but  ten 
tatively.  Mankind,  since  the  days  of  Adam,  has  been 
accustomed  to  lay  everything  disastrous  that  happens  to 
a  woman.  Bonnet  had  a  wife.  She  seems  to  have  par 
taken  rather  of  the  character  of  Xantippe  than  of  that 
of  Griselda.  Bonnet,  it  is  stated,  was  not  endowed  with 
Socratic  patience,  and  to  escape  his  wife's  temper  he 
turned  to  piracy.  Frankly,  I  do  not  believe  the  story 
at  all.  I  think  he  was  insane. 

At  any  rate,  from  whatever  cause,  the  decision  having 
been  arrived  at,  he  set  about  carrying  out  his  purpose. 
His  money  and  his  respectability  made  it  easy.  He  pur 
chased  a  swift  handy  schooner  which  he  called  the  Re 
venge — favorite  name  for  piratical  craft,  I  presume  be- 


io8     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

cause  their  owners  tried  to  delude  themselves  into  the 
belief  that  they  had  been  injured  by  society  and  had  there 
fore  a  quasi-right  to  prey  upon  it.  Lavishly  providing 
this  vessel  with  everything  necessary  and  manning  it 
with  a  choice  and  select  body  of  scoundrels,  Bonnet  bade 
farewell  to  Barbados  and  his  wife,  and  set  forth  ostensibly 
upon  a  trading  voyage. 

As  soon  as  he  got  off  soundings  he  hoisted  the  black 
flag  and  announced  to  his  surprised  crew  that  he  was 
now  a  pirate.  The  statement  did  not  worry  them  a  bit. 
They  were  more  than  willing  to  go  pirating.  If  there 
were  any  who  were  not  willing  they  kept  discreetly  quiet 
and  nothing  marred  the  unanimity  with  which  the  crew 
embraced  the  opportunity.  It  was  evident  to  everyone 
that  Bonnet  knew  nothing  about  seamanship  or  naviga 
tion  and  in  fact,  except  in  one  particular,  was  about  as 
unfit  a  person  to  command  a  pirate  ship  as  could  be 
imagined.  The  one  exception  to  his  disabilities  lay  in 
his  bloodthirsty  courage.  The  subordinate  officers 
among  his  crew  would  have  gladly  seized  the  ship,  de 
posed  him  and  gone  pirating  on  their  own  account,  but 
Bonnet,  who  was  possessed  of  ferocious  determination 
which  went  to  the  length  of  killing  two  or  three  of  his 
ruffians,  finally  succeeded  in  establishing  his  ascendancy 
over  them. 

The  world  was  before  him  and  he  proceeded  to  open 
his  oyster.  From  Massachusetts  to  the  Carolinas  he 
roved  along  the  coast  at  his  own  sweet  will,  plundering 
and  destroying.  In  all  the  atrocious  customs  and  habits 
of  pirates  he  speedily  became  a  past  master.  This  once 
respectable  English  gentleman  and  churchman  could 
look  with  as  utter  an  indifference  upon  the  suffering  of 
the  poor  hapless  wretches  whom  he  captured  and  forced 


Under  the   " Jolly   Roger"        109 

to  walk  the  plank,  as  if  he  had  been  bred  among  bucca 
neers.  Murder,  robbery,  rapine,  outrages  of  every  kind 
he  perpetrated  upon  the  high  seas. 

On  one  occasion  he  fell  in  with  Blackbeard  and  the 
two  pirates  cruised  in  company  with  doubly  damnable 
results.  Blackbeard  soon  found  that  Bonnet  knew  noth 
ing  about  ships.  Inviting  him  to  dine,  therefore,  and 
having  by  this  means  got  him  on  board  his  own  ship,  he 
coolly  deposed  him  from  his  command.  Bonnet  pro 
tested  vehemently,  but  as  he  was  surrounded  by  Black- 
beard's  men  and  as  his  own  men  were  lukewarm  in  his 
cause,  he  could  do  nothing  but  protest.  Blackbeard  did 
not  kill  him,  he  made  him  a  clerk!  It  was  intensely  gall 
ing  to  the  bold  spirit  of  the  soldier-sailor,  but  there  was 
no  help  for  it.  He  wras  with  Blackbeard  when  he  made 
his  famous  raid  on  Charles  Town,  and  wrhen  the  Queen 
Anne's  Revenge  was  wrecked  in  Topsail  Inlet,  North 
Carolina,  and  Blackbeard  got  rid  of  the  troublesome 
members  of  his  crew  by  marooning  them  while  he  went 
off  to  get  a  pardon  and  enjoy  his  plunder,  he  gave  Bon 
net  back  his  sloop. 

Bonnet  had  learned  something,  and  choosing  a  time 
when  Blackbeard  was  absent  he  also  went  off  to  Gov 
ernor  Eden,  surrendered  himself  and  received  a  pardon 
under  the  king's  amnesty  proclamation.  Armed  with 
this  and  with  a  few  bold  spirits  in  his  company  he  set 
forth  on  the  Revenge,  announcing  that  he  was  bound  for 
St.  Thomas.  There  he  stated  that  he  intended  to  get  a 
commission  as  a  privateer  to  prey  upon  the  French  and 
Spanish  ships,  the  war  then  being  in  full  blast. 

All  he  needed  was  a  crew.  He  knew  where  to  find  it. 
He  ran  down  to  the  desolate  island  off  Topsail  Inlet, 
where  Blackbeard  had  marooned  the  men.  The  some- 


no     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

time  pirates  were  in  desperate  straits.  Bonnet  took  them 
on  the  Revenge,  revived  and  fed  them,  and  then  an 
nounced  his  intention  of  resuming  his  former  vocation 
and  incidentally  of  his  purpose  of  hunting  for  Blackbeard. 
The  marooned  men  were  only  too  willing.  It  speaks  well 
for  the  courage  of  Bonnet  that  with  a  handful  of  men  he 
was  desirous  of  engaging  so  redoubtable  a  villain  as  his 
old  captor,  but  it  does  not  speak  well  for  his  discretion  or 
his  sanity.  At  any  rate,  although  Bonnet  hunted  for  him 
assiduously  he  did  not  find  him,  and  at  last,  despairing  of 
success,  he  bore  away  for  northern  waters  for  metal  more 
easy,  if  less  attractive. 

On  this  cruise  he  changed  the  name  of  the  Revenge  to 
the  Royal  James,  which  was  the  title  of  the  young  Pre 
tender.  I  suppose  Bonnet  deluded  himself  again  with 
the  idea  that  having  now  become  an  adherent  of  the 
house  of  Stuart  he  was  at  liberty  to  work  his  will  upon 
the  high  seas.  He  also  changed  his  name  to  Captain 
Thomas — for  the  good  of  his  health. 

He  had  a  royal  time,  from  the  pirate  point  of  view,  off 
New  York  and  Philadelphia,  and  finally  with  his  hull  full 
of  plunder  and  with  two  captured  vessels  he  turned  to 
southern  waters  once  more.  Having  been  injured  some 
what  in  a  storm  and  being  tired  with  the  long  cruise,  he 
entered  the  Cape  Fear  River  with  his  prizes.  Grown 
bold  and  reckless,  instead  of  purchasing  the  things  he 
required  for  the  repair  of  his  ship  and  the  comforts  of 
his  men,  he  landed  bodies  of  men  and  took  what  he 
wanted  wherever  he  found  it. 

The  South  Carolinians  and  their  hot-headed  but  able 
governor,  Johnson,  were  still  chafing  under  the  humiliat 
ing  tribute  which  Blackbeard  had  enforced.  When  the 
settlers  about  the  Cape  Fear  River  informed  the  authori- 


Under  the   "Jolly  Roger"        m 

ties  by  expresses  of  the  arrival  of  Bonnet,  and  of  his 
actions,  Johnson  determined  to  do  something. 

Among  the  principal  settlers  of  South  Carolina  was 
one  William  Rhett.  This  gentleman  was  born  in  Lon 
don  in  1666,  and  he  had  come  to  Carolina  in  1694.  By 
profession  he  was  a  gentleman  sailor.  Circumstances,  to 
wit,  the  colonial  need  and  his  own  force  of  character,  had 
made  him  a  colonel  of  the  Carolina  militia.  When  a 
French  and  Spanish  squadron  made  a  descent  upon 
Charles  Town  in  1708,  he  had  been  appointed  "  vice 
admiral  "  of  the  colonial  naval  force,  and  had  driven  the 
invaders  away  from  the  coast  after  capturing  one  of  their 
ships. 

He  was  a  high-tempered,  passionate  and  irascible  man, 
but  endowed  with  undaunted  courage  and  undoubted 
ability.  For  the  rest,  he  was  a  warden  of  St.  Philip's 
Episcopal  Church  and  the  agent  for  the  distribution  of 
the  stipends  of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts.  Colonel  Rhett  immediately 
offered  to  lead  an  expedition  against  Bonnet.  Two 
small  trading  sloops,  the  Henry  and  the  Sea  Nymph,  com 
manded  by  Captains  Martin  and  Hall,  and  mounting 
eight  small  guns  each,  were  both  filled  with  volunteers. 
The  contingent  on  the  Henry  was  seventy  men,  that  on 
the  Sea  Nymph  sixty. 

"  Colonel- Vice-Admiral  "  Rhett  hoisted  his  broad  pen 
nant  upon  the  Henry  and  set  sail.  Some  time  was  wasted 
in  chasing  another  pirate  who  had  ventured  to  take  a 
look  in  at  Charles  Town  harbor,  but  on  the  2Oth  of  Sep 
tember,  1718,  the  cruise  against  Bonnet,  who  was  still 
carrying  things  with  a  high  hand  in  the  Cape  Fear  River, 
was  begun.  On  the  evening  of  the  26th  Colonel  Rhett 
arrived  off  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  The  tide 


ii2     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

was  out  and  his  pilots  were  not  sufficiently  acquainted 
with  the  river  to  allow  him  to  move  up  to  attack  the 
pirates,  the  topmasts  of  whose  vessels  could  be  seen  above 
the  trees  around  an  adjacent  headland.  Rhett  therefore 
anchored  for  the  night  in  a  position  to  command  the 
river. 

As  soon  as  he  became  aware  of  the  approach  of  the 
Carolina  cruisers  Bonnet  manned  his  boats  and  under 
the  supposition  that  the  vessels  at  the  mouth  of  the  river 
were  traders,  organized  an  expedition  for  their  capture. 
A  nearer  approach  disclosed  the  true  state  of  affairs,  how 
ever,  and  Bonnet  found  himself  in  a  quandary.  While 
the  Royal  James  mounted  ten  guns  and  was  manned  by  a 
crew  of  sixty  men  and  while  she  was  larger  than  either 
of  Rhett's  vessels,  and  her  guns  heavier  than  those  the 
cruisers  mounted,  yet  she  was  an  indifferent  match  for 
the  two  of  them.  Besides,  your  genuine  pirate  always 
avoided  a  fight  as  long  as  he  could  help  it. 

Bonnet,  therefore,  determined  to  make  a  run  for  it, 
hoping  to  beat  off  the  sloops  and  gain  the  open  sea.  The 
Royal  James  was  in  no  condition  to  do  this  that  evening 
or  he  would  have  tried  it  at  once.  All  night  long,  how 
ever,  his  men  worked  indefatigably  to  fit  her  for  cruising 
and  with  much  success,  for  as  the  day  broke,  abandoning 
his  prizes,  he  stood  toward  the  sea.  Rhett  was  ready  for 
him.  Expecting  just  such  a  manoeuvre  he  had  kept  his 
men  at  their  guns  all  night,  and  as  they  saw  the  Royal 
James  come  flying  down  the  river  before  a  strong  off 
shore  breeze,  with  every  sail  set,  Rhett  ordered  his  two 
sloops  to  beat  toward  her. 

As  Bonnet  came  tearing  down  the  stream  the  approach 
of  the  Henry  and  the  Sea  Nymph  forced  him  to  hug  the 
shore  more  closely  than  he  intended.  In  fact  so  skilfully 


Under  the   " Jolly  Roger"        113 

did  Rhett  handle  his  two  ships  that  Bonnet  had  to  choose 
between  running  him  down  and  thus  bringing  on  a  hand 
to  hand  fight  with  both  of  them,  or  leaving  the  channel. 
He  left  the  channel  and  went  aground.  Rhett,  in  hot 
pursuit  of  him,  had  no  time  to  check  the  way  of  the  Henry 
before  he,  too,  took  ground,  within  pistol  shot  distance 
of  the  Royal  James.  The  Sea  Nymph  also  ran  on  one  of 
the  sand  bars  with  which  the  mouth  of  the  river  abounds, 
but  unfortunately  too  far  away  from  the  pirate  to  be  of 
much  service  to  Rhett. 

The  Henry  and  the  Royal  James  immediately  opened 
fire  upon  each  other.  The  tide  was  ebbing  and  such  were 
the  relative  positions  of  the  two  ships  that,  as  the  water 
shallowed  and  they  careened  on  the  sand  bars,  the  deck 
of  the  Royal  James  was  turned  away  from  the,  deck  of  the 
Henry  which  her  own  inclination  left  entirely  exposed. 
This  gave  Bonnet  a  decided  advantage,  for  his  men  could 
shoot  at  the  king's  men  without  being  exposed  them 
selves,  while  the  helpless  Carolinians  on  the  slanting  deck 
had  absolutely  no  protection  from  the  pirate's  discharges. 

Farragut's  famous  maxim  about  the  best  protection 
from  the  enemy's  fire  being  a  well-directed  fire  from  your 
own  guns,  had  not  been  enunciated,  yet  Rhett  knew  the 
principle  thoroughly.  Animated  by  their  commander, 
who,  some  accounts  say,  was  wounded  in  the  fight,  his 
men  stood  to  their  guns  manfully  and  poured  a  perfect 
stream  of  shot  from  their  weapons  upon  the  pirate,  which 
was  returned  with  equal  resolution  and  much  greater  ef 
fect,  for  no  less  than  forty  per  cent,  of  the  Carolinians 
were  either  killed  or  wounded.  For  five  long  hours  they 
kept  up  the  conflict,  the  Sea  Nymph  joining  in  at  long 
range. 

It  was  evident  that  whichever  vessel  would  be  first 

8 


ii4     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

floated  by  the  tide  when  it  reached  its  flood,  would  be, 
able  to  terminate  the  conflict  out  of  hand.  The  pirates 
were  in  high  glee  over  the  situation.  One  of  the  old 
tellers  of  the  tale  relates  how  they  mocked  and  jeered  at 
the  unfortunate  Carolinians  and  how  they  made  a  "  whiff 
with  their  bloody  flag  "  as  indicative  of  their  contempt; 
but  their  joy  was  turned  to  despair  when,  as  the  tide  came 
rolling  in,  they  saw  the  Henry  gently  rising  to  an  even 
keel  and  the  Sea  Nymph  following  suit  while  their  larger 
vessel  still  lay  aground. 

Calling  up  the  Sea  Nymph  Rhett  now  made  for  the 
pirate.  But  the  spirit  had  gone  out  of  the  men  on  the 
helpless  Royal  James  and  they  clamored  to  surrender. 
Bonnet,  pistol  in  hand,  swore  that  he  would  never  yield 
and  attempted  to  fire  the  magazine,  but  his  men  over 
powered  him  and,  just  as  the  two  attacking  ships  took 
position  to  rake  them,  flung  out  the  white  flag. 

The  total  loss  on  the  little  squadron  of  Rhett  was 
twelve  killed  and  twenty-eight  wounded,  which  was  very 
heavy  indeed  considering  that  the  Sea  Nymph  had  been 
but  slightly  engaged.  The  pirate's  loss  is  not  definitely 
stated,  but  it  was  believed  to  be  over  thirty.  The  Henry 
and  the  Royal  James  were  so  shot-torn  and  shattered  that 
they  could  with  difficulty  be  kept  afloat.  Rhett,  how 
ever,  patched  them  up  and  taking  the  two  prizes  returned 
to  Charles  Town.  He  had  a  warm  reception  when  he 
arrived  with  his  little  flotilla  with  the  royal  standard  float 
ing  above  the  black  flag  on  the  pirate's  schooner. 

Bonnet  and  his  men  to  the  number  of  thirty  were  at 
once  put  on  trial  for  piracy.  Chief  Justice  Trott,  him 
self  an  arrant  scoundrel,  but  a  man  of  great  ability,  pre 
sided  at  the  trial.  They  were  all  found  guilty  and  sen 
tenced  to  be  hanged.  Trott  was  a  man  mighty  in  the 


Under  the  " Jolly  Roger"        115 

Scriptures,  in  the  letter  that  is,  though  not  in  the  spirit 
— so  for  that  matter  was  Bonnet — and  a  few  paragraphs 
from  his  address  to  Bonnet  on  his  conviction  are  curi 
ously  interesting. 

"  You  being  a  Gentleman  that  have  had  the  advantage  of 
liberal  education  and  being  generally  esteemed  a  man  of 
Letters  I  believe  it  will  be  needless  for  me  to  explain  to  you 
the  nature  of  Repentance  and  Faith  in  Christ  they  being  so 
fully  and  so  often  explained  in  the  Scriptures  that  you  can 
not  but  know  them.  And  therefore  perhaps  for  that  reason 
it  might  be  thought  by  some  improper  for  me  to  have  said 
so  much  to  you  as  I  have  already  upon  this  occasion ;  Neither 
should  I  have  done  it,  but  that  considering  the  course  of 
your  life  and  actions,  I  have  just  reason  to  fear  that  the 
Principles  of  Religion  that  had  been  instilled  into  you  by 
your  Education  have  been  at  least  corrupted  if  not  entirely 
defaced  by  the  Scepticism  and  Infidelity  of  this  wicked  age ; 
and  that  what  Time  you  allowed  for  Study  was  rather  ap 
plied  to  Polite  Literature;  and  the  vain  Philosophy  of  the 
Times  than  to  a  serious  Search  after  the  Law  and  Will  of 
God,  as  revealed  to  us  in  the  Holy  Scriptures.  For  had 
your  Delight  been  in  the  law  of  the  Lord,  and  that  you  had 
meditated  therein  Day  and  Night  Psal.  1-2  you  would  then 
have  found  that  God's  Word  was  a  Lamp  unto  your  Feet,  and 
a  Light  to  your  Path  Psal;  119-105,  and  that  you  would  ac 
count  all  other  knowledge  but  Loss  in  comparison  of  the 
Excellency  of  the  Knowledge  of  Christ  Jesus  Phil.  3-8  who 
to  them  that  are  called  is  the  Power  of  God  and  the  Wisdom 
of  God  i  Cor:  1-24,  even  as  the  hidden  Wisdom  which  God 
ordained  before  the  World.  Chap :  2-7." 

And  so  on  in  the  same  strain. 

Bonnet  had  behaved  with  much  personal  dignity  and 
courage  under  Trott's  disgraceful  brow-beating  during 


n6     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

the  trial,  and  some  sympathy  had  been  elicited  for  him 
therefor,  but  when  the  issue  was  determined  and  his 
hideous  fate  was  realized,  he  broke  down,  and  played  the 
coward.  He  overwhelmed  everybody,  including  Colonel 
Rhett  and  the  governor,  with  the  most  abject,  pusillani 
mous,  disgraceful  pleas  for  mercy;  and  because  he  had 
been  born  a  gentleman  and  was  of  a  different  social  stamp 
from  the  ordinary  pirate,  he  actually  moved  some  of  the 
persons  to  whom  he  addressed  himself — a  curious  state 
of  affairs.  The  fact  that  he  had  been  born  to  better 
things  really  made  his  wickedness  more  reprehensible. 
Johnson  sturdily  refused  to  commute  his  sentence  or  to 
grant  him  a  reprieve  to  go  to  England  or  anywhere  else. 
He  was  even  deaf  to  such  appeals  as  this  which  Bonnet  in 
his  despair  finally  addressed  to  him. 

"  I  heartily  beseech  you'll  permit  me  to  live,  and  I'll  volun 
tarily  put  it  ever  out  of  my  Power  by  separating  all  my  Limbs 
from  my  Body,  only  reserving  the  use  of  my  Tongue  to  call 
continually  on,  and  pray  to  the  Lord,  my  God  and  mourn  all 
my  Days  in  Sackcloth  and  Ashes  to  work  out  Confident  hopes 
of  my  Salvation,  at  that  great  and  dreadful  Day  when  all 
righteous  Souls  shall  receive  their  just  rewards.  And  to 
render  your  Honour  a  further  Assurance  of  my  being  incapa 
ble  to  prejudice  any  of  my  Fellow  Christians,  if  I  was  so 
wickedly  bent  I  humbly  beg  you  will  (as  a  Punishment  of 
my  Sins  for  my  poor  Soul's  sake)  indent  me  as  a  menial 
Servant  to  your  Honour,  and  this  Government  during  my 
Life,  and  send  me  to  the  fartherest  inland  Garrison  or  Set 
tlement  in  the  Country  or  in  any  other  ways  you'll  be  pleased 
to  dispose  of  me. 

"  Now  the  God  of  Peace  that  brought  again  from  the  Dead 
our  Lord  Jesus,  that  great  Shepherd  of  the  Sheep,  thro'  the 
Blood  of  the  everlasting  Covenant  make  you  perfect  in  every 


Under  the  "Jolly  Roger"        n; 

good  Work  to  do  his  Will,  working  in  you,  that  which  is 
pleasing  in  his  Sight  through  Jesus  Christ  to  whom  be  Glory 
for  ever  and  ever  is  the  hearty  Prayer  of 
"  Your  Honour's  Most  miserable  and  Afflicted  servant 

"  STEDE   BONNET." 

The  concluding  paragraph  was  worthy  of  the  religious 
Trott. 

Before  he  could  be  executed  Bonnet  with  four  com 
panions  escaped  from  confinement  and  attempted  to  get 
to  sea  in  an  open  boat.  Contrary  winds  drove  them 
ashore  upon  Sullivan's  Island.  Colonel  Rhett  headed  an 
expedition  to  capture  him  and  his  company,  which  was 
easily  done  after  two  of  the  pirates  had  been  killed.  Bon 
net  and  his  men  were  hanged  at  Execution  Dock  on  the 
24th  of  November,  1718.  Sharp  and  summary  had  been 
that  administration  of  Carolina  justice  and  the  surviving 
pirates  began  to  feel  that  it  would  be  well  for  them  to 
keep  away  from  the  Carolina  coasts  hereafter. 

What  became  of  the  wife  who  appeared  in  shadowy 
outline  at  the  beginning  of  this  sketch,  is  not  known;  but 
if  she  actually  existed  we  seem  to  find  in  Bonnet's  char 
acter,  as  he  exhibited  it  in  his  piratical  expeditions,  suffi 
cient  excuse  to  justify  her  for  everything  of  which  she  was 
even  remotely  accused.  If  she  ever  lived  she  should  have 
been  glad  that  he  was  hanged,  but  being  a  woman  who 
probably  loved  him  some  time,  I  suppose  she  was  sorry 
for  his  end.  This  statement  I  consider  a  handsome 
amendment  for  having  set  down  the  vague  story  of  the 
suspicions  about  her  character. 


PART  III 
VARIOUS   EARLY   COLONIAL  WARS 

I 
Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits 


SOME    OF    FRONTENAC'S    EXPLOITS 

I.    The  Massacre  at  La  Chine 

A  FEW  miles  above  the  city  of  Montreal  the  St. 
Lawrence  pours  its  mighty  flood  of  water  in  mad 
turmoil  over  those  jutting  points  of  rock,  the 
passage  of  which  is  the  most  exciting  experience  in  the 
descent  of  the  great  river.  Upon  the  banks  of  the 
stream,  just  above  the  rapids,  where  the  low-lying  land 
permits  it  to  widen  into  a  vast  expanse  of  water  known 
as  Lac  St.  Louis,  one  Robert  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle, 
by  permission  of  the  Sulpicians,  whose  influence  was  para 
mount  in  Montreal,  had  buih  himself  a  manor  and  es 
tablished  there  a  village,  which,  in  the  year  1689,  con 
tained  some  four  hundred  inhabitants.  To  this  place, 
with  fanciful  anticipation  that  the  great  river  if  pursued 
far  enough  would  afford  a  convenient  passage  to  China, 
the  long-sought-for  and  mysterious  East,  had  been  given 
the  name  of  La  Chine.  The  name  is  still  preserved  in  the 
whirling  rapids. 

On  the  night  of  the  4th  of  August,  1689,  in  the 
midst  of  a  furious  storm  of  rain  and  wind,  hundreds  of 
birch-bark  canoes  were  launched  upon  Lac  St.  Louis, 
and  silently  paddling  across  the  river,  some  fifteen  hun 
dred  ferocious  Iroquois  landed  upon  the  shore  and  with 
out  a  sound  surrounded  the  village.  A  failure  to  invest 
Fort  Frontenac  had  left  these  Children  of  the  Long- 

121 


122     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

house,  as  the  savage  confederates  of  the  Five  Nations 
were  called,  free  to  attack  this  unprotected  and  unsus 
picious  point.  At  a  given  signal  the  blood-curdling  war 
whoop  was  raised,  the  doors  of  the  houses  were  burst 
open  and  the  startled  inhabitants  were  killed  or  captured 
before  they  realized  what  had  happened.  Many  of  them, 
awakened  from  sleep  by  the  touch  of  a  rude  hand,  opened 
their  eyes  to  see  a  hideous  painted  face  bending  over 
them  and  before  their  lips  could  form  a  cry  a  tomahawk 
would  be  sunk  into  their  brains — a  happy  fate  which 
those  who  were  spared  for  the  moment  would  fain  have 
preferred. 

After  the  settlement  had  been  plundered  by  the  rapa 
cious  Indians  the  torch  was  applied  to  the  houses,  which, 
in  spite  of  the  rain,  burned  furiously,  the  bright  glare 
warning  the  scattered  inhabitants  far  and  near  that  the 
threatening  war  with  the  Iroquois  had  at  last  begun.  The 
Indians  completely  devastated  the  village.  Added  to 
their  natural  ferocity  were  the  passions  engendered  by 
the  captured  liquor  of  which  they  freely  partook,  and 
under  the  double  stimulus,  they  committed  acts  of  inde 
scribable  horror. 

Two  or  three  palisaded  forts  in  the  vicinity  of  La  Chine 
were  garrisoned  with  soldiers  and  militiamen  in  small 
numbers,  but  for  the  most  part  they  remained  in  their 
intrenchments  paralyzed  with  terror  and  did  nothing. 
Subercase,  a  gallant  officer  in  command  of  the  troops  in 
the  field,  was  at  Montreal  when  the  news  of  the  massacre 
was  brought  by  a  frightened  fugitive  the  next  morning'. 
Some  two  hundred  soldiers  lay  encamped  midway  Mon 
treal  and  La  Chine.  They  had  been  apprised  of  the 
massacre  by  fugitives  and  had  been  ordered  under  arms, 
but  had  not  dared  to  advance.  Subercase,  riding  full 


Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits     123 

speed,  found  them  hesitating.  Rallying  to  their  sup 
port  about  a  hundred  inhabitants,  he  put  himself  at  their 
head  and  moved  forward.  The  ruins  of  La  Chine,  the 
dead  men,  women,  and  children  smouldering  in  the  em 
bers  or  hanging  to  stakes,  filled  their  hearts  with  rage  and 
revenge. 

Word  was  brought  to  them  that  the  Indians  were  en 
camped  a  few  miles  farther  on.  Although  few  in  num 
bers  they  were  eager  to  attack,  and  Subercase,  sword  in 
hand,  led  them  into  the  forest  glades.  His  victory  would 
have  been  certain,  and  his  vengeance  complete,  for  the 
Indians,  it  was  afterward  learned,  were  so  overcome  with 
liquor  that  they  could  have  made  but  little  resistance. 
As  he  approached  their  encampment,  however,  he  was 
overtaken  by  the  Chevalier  de  Vaudreuil,  who  bore  per 
emptory  orders  from  Denonville,  the  governor  of  Canada, 
for  the  party  to  return  at  once.  To  his  bitter  disappoint 
ment,  Subercase  was  compelled  to  obey  and  the  whole 
detachment  retreated  to  Fort  Roland.  Montreal  was 
wild  with  terror  and  Denonville  had  recalled  the  troops 
to  protect  the  town  from  the  supposed  inevitable  attack. 

The  Indians,  recovering  from  their  debauch,  ravaged 
the  country  about  the  city  for  miles,  but  made  no  effort 
to  attack  the  town — everything  outside  of  its  walls  and 
the  forts,  however,  was  plundered  and  destroyed. 
Among  other  things  the  savages  succeeded  in  cutting 
off  a  detachment  of  some  eighty  soldiers  trying  to  reach 
Fort  Roland  from  Fort  St.  Remy.  They  massacred 
them  almost  to  a  man.  Having  sated  themselves  with 
plunder  in  their  long  sojourn,  one  afternoon  they  took 
their  hapless  captives  across  the  river,  and  that  night,  after 
torturing  their  victims  with  diabolical  ingenuity,  ended 
their  revel  by  an  awful  cannibal  feast.  The  wretched,  im- 


1^4      Colonial   Fights  and  Fighters 

potent  French  stood  in  little  groups  on  the  strand  at  La 
Chine  and  Montreal,  and  with  sickening  hearts  watched 
the  flickering  lights  at  Chateauguay  which  hovered  over 
the  place  of  death,  dishonor,  and  horror  to  those  they 
loved. 

This  appalling  incident  was  the  result  of  the  Incapacity 
of  the  governors  of  New  France,  the  culmination  of  years 
of  treachery,  duplicity  and  oppression,  and  was  the  begin 
ning  of  a  series  of  frightful  episodes,  which  did  not  termi 
nate  until  the  power  of  the  Five  Nations  was  broken, 
some  eight  years  after.  The  people  of  the  land  cried  out 
for  a  man  to  extricate  them  from  their  awful  situation, 
and  King  Louis  XIV  sent  them  one  in  the  person  of  old 
Frontenac. 

II.     The  Burning  of  Schenectady 

Louis  de  Buade,  Comte  de  Palluau  et  de  Frontenac, 
sprang  from  an  ancient  and  honorable  Basque  family, 
cradled  in  the  shadow  of  the  Pyrenees.  His  grand 
father  had  been  advanced  to  high  station  by  Henry  the 
Fourth.  His  father  had  been  maintained  in  the  same 
degree  of  eminence  by  a  continuance  of  the  favor  of  that 
merry  monarch.  The  melancholy  Louis  XIII  had  con 
sented  to  stand  godfather  for  the  baby  born  in  the  year 
1620,  who  was  to  be  the  future  governor,  and  he  vouch 
safed  to  him  the  signal  honor  of  giving  him  the  royal 
name.  By  his  ardent,  fiery  Gascon  nature,  Frontenac 
was  marked  out  for  the  profession  of  a  soldier,  and  in 
1635,  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  he  entered  the  French  army 
as  a  gentleman-volunteer  under  Maurice  of  Nassau,  ris 
ing,  when  twenty-three  years  of  age,  by  successive  acts 
of  hardihood  and  audacity  to  the  rank  of  colonel  of  the 


Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits     125 

Normandy  regiment.  He  took  part  in  many  of  the 
sieges  and  battles  in  Flanders,  and  commanded  his  regi 
ment  with  brilliant  success  in  Italy,  earning  a  reputation 
for  desperate  gallantry  and  headlong  valor  which  made 
him  the  darling  of  the  court  of  Louis  XIV. 

He  was  wounded  again  and  again,  but  nothing  seems 
to  have  dampened  his  military  ardor.  Rapidly  passing 
through  the  different  grades  he  was  made  a  lieutenant 
general  in  1669  and  sent  by  the  great  Turenne,  the  first 
soldier  of  his  day  in  Europe,  as  his  especial  choice  to  com 
mand  the  forces  of  Venice  in  a  life  and  death  struggle 
the  Republic  was  then  waging  in  Candia  against  the 
Turks.  It  was  a  most  arduous  and  difficult  position,  but 
Frontenac  accepted  it  gladly.  From  causes  which  he 
could  not  control,  ultimate  success  did  not  attend  his  en 
deavors,  but  the  price  which  he  made  the  Turks  pay  be 
fore  they  conquered  the  island — their  loss  being  reputed 
at  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  men — taken  in  con 
junction  with  the  insufficient  means  at  his  disposal,  raised 
him  to  a  very  high  place  among  the  soldiers  of  the  world. 

Long  before  this  campaign,  in  1648,  with  his  usual 
audacity  he  had  made  a  love  match  with  one  of  the  beau 
ties  of  the  court,  Anne  de  la  Grange-Trianon,  aged  six 
teen  at  the  time;  capturing  that  lady  as  it  were  by  storm, 
and  whisking  her  off  to  the  church  under  the  noses  of 
her  violently  opposing  guardians!  The  match  was  not 
a  happy  one,  for  if  Frontenac  was  flint,  Anne  was  steel, 
and  they  disagreed  violently  and  quarrelled  from  the  be 
ginning.  They  therefore  lived  apart,  each  apparently 
retaining  the  highest  respect  for  the  other! 

It  is  more  than  surmised  that  the  first  appointment  of 
her  fiery,  hot-tempered  husband  to  the  governorship  of 
Canada,  was  largely  the  result  of  his  wife's  influence. 


i26     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Singular  to  state  she  was  not  immoral,  which  is  saying 
much  for  a  woman  so  circumstanced  in  that  court,  and 
she  appears  to  have  remained  faithful  to  her  titular  lord. 
She  simply  wished  to  be  rid  of  him.  Another  cause,  how 
ever,  has  been  assigned  for  sending  this  brilliant  soldier 
and  courtier  to  New  France,  and  perhaps  with  better 
reason,  for  he  is  reputed  to  have  promised  to  become  a 
rival  of  the  Royal  Sun  in  the  affections  of  the  famous 
Marquise  de  Montespan. 

However  that  may  be,  for  ten  years,  from  1672  to  1682, 
he  had  enjoyed  a  tempestuous  and  stormy  career  as  gov 
ernor  of  Canada.  During  this  time  he  quarrelled  with 
everything  and  everybody,  but  in  spite  of  his  rancorous 
difficulties  with  the  Jesuits  and  Bishop  Laval,  and  the 
Intendants  Talon  and  Duchesneau,  he  showed  such  ex 
ecutive  ability  and  general  capacity,  as  had  been  mani 
fested  by  no  previous  governor  since  the  days  of  Cham- 
plain.  During  his  term  of  office  he  sent  forth  Joliet  and 
Marquette  to  discover  the  Mississippi.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  when  Joliet  saw  for  the  first  time  the  mighty 
"  Father  of  Waters,"  he  called  it  the  River  de  Buade,  and 
although  Marquette  named  it  La  Concepcion,  De  Buade 
it  remained  for  some  time.  Frontenac  was  the  patron 
and  friend  of  that  other  heroic  spirit  La  Salle,  who  was 
assassinated  in  the  swamps  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  vainly 
endeavoring  to  found  an  empire  for  France. 

The  royal  governor  was  so  far  in  advance  of  his  time 
as  to  actually  constitute  and  summon  in  New  France  a 
sort  of  States-General,  or  Parliament,  for  the  govern 
ment  of  the  country — under  him,  of  course.  This  was 
much  to  the  disgust  of  that  most  absolute  of  monarchs, 
Louis  XIV,  who  hated  Parliaments  and  made  himself 
the  States-General  of  his  kingdom,  and  the  king  severely 


Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits     127 

rebuked  him  for  his  action  and  countermanded  his  Par 
liament.  It  was  a  singular  thing  for  the  old  noble  to  do 
for  he  was  by  nature  one  of  the  most  aristocratic  of  men. 

The  quarrels  in  Quebec  became  so  fierce  finally  that 
Frontenac  and  the  intendant  were  relieved  and  ordered 
home.  The  two  succeeding  administrations  of  La  Barre 
and  de  Denonville,  culminated,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the 
awful  massacre  at  La  Chine.  Before  the  news  reached 
France,  Louis  had  decided  to  replace  Frontenac  on  the 
great  rock  of  Quebec,  and  after  he  heard  the  tidings  he 
determined  to  maintain  him  there. 

The  French  king  was  then  in  the  zenith  of  his  power, 
the  peace  of  Nimwegen  had  left  him  the  undisputed 
primacy  in  Europe.  The  years  of  extravagant  excesses 
which  followed,  coupled  with  the  tremendous  strains  in 
volved  by  his  previous  campaigns,  had,  however,  under 
mined  his  resources,  and  France  was  never  so  vulnerable 
as  at  this  moment  of  her  triumph.  The  desire  of  Louis 
to  replace  James  II  upon  the  throne  of  England,  and  his 
inveterate  hatred  of  William  of  Orange,  caused  war  to 
break  out  again  in  1688,  and  Frontenac  was  charged  with 
carrying  it  on  in  the  New  World.  To  him  was  allotted 
the  task  of  exterminating  the  English  colonists  on  the 
seaboard  and  bringing  the  whole  continent  of  North 
America  into  the  power  of  New  France.  To  bring  about 
this  magnificent  result,  he  was  provided  with  his  brains 
and  his  hands  by  Providence,  and  reenforced  by  the  good 
will  and  the  orders  of  the  king,  who  was  so  busily  occu 
pied  in  other  directions  as  to  be  able  to  spare  him  but 
little  in  the  way  of  troops  and  supplies. 

On  the  1 2th  of  October,  1689,  the  governor  reached 
Quebec  and  found  New  France  at  the  last  gasp.  Instead 
of  conquering  the  English  it  was  necessary  to  struggle 


128      Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

for  life.  In  his  magnificent  planning  Louis  had  given 
no  thought  to  the  Iroquois,  and  even  the  news  from  La 
Chine  scarcely  enlightened  him.  The  Indians,  undoubt 
edly  inspired  by  the  English,  had  given  evidence  of  their 
intentions  toward  Canada  in  the  massacre,  and  it  was 
rumored  that  preparations  were  already  under  way  on 
the  part  of  the  English  vigorously  to  follow  up  the  in 
roads  of  their  savage  allies.  With  characteristic  energy 
Frontenac  endeavored  to  relieve  the  situation,  and  re 
habilitate  the  country.  Striving  by  diplomacy  and  ca 
jolery  to  propitiate  the  Indians  for  the  time  being,  in  spite 
of  the  awful  blot  left  upon  the  colony  by  the  unpunished 
foray,  he  sent  three  expeditions  to  strike  the  English 
border  settlements,  to  restore  French  prestige  in  the  sav 
age  mind,  and  to  make  at  least  a  beginning  toward  over 
whelming  that  thin  line  of  humanity  on  the  seaboard. 

It  was  winter  before  the  three  expeditions  got  away 
under  the  command  of  different  members  of  that  young 
Canadian  noblesse,  who  showed  themselves  men  of  dis 
tinguished  capacity  and  courage  in  all  the  campaigns  on 
this  continent.  One  party  under  the  command  of  de 
Mantet,  and  three  of  the  sons  of  the  celebrated  Le 
Moyne,  of  whom  d'Iberville  wras  chief,  comprised  some 
thing  over  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  half  of  them 
French,  the  others  Christianized  Hurons.  Having 
marched  twenty-two  days  in  mid-winter,  in  which  they 
suffered  incredible  hardships,  on  the  4th  of  February, 
1690,  the^  arrived  near  the  little  Dutch  village  of 
Schenectady,  the  northernmost  settlement  in  New  York. 
Albany  had  been  their  destination,  but  Schenectady  lay 
nearer  to  them  and  exhausted  human  nature  could  do  no 
more. 

The  people  of  Schenectady  had  laughed  at  the  warn- 


Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits     129 

ings  of  Governor  Leisler.  That  night  the  ten  militia 
men  who  garrisoned  the  town  mounted  snow  sentinels 
at  the  two  gates  of  the  stockade,  which  they  left  open, 
and  under  this  secure  wardship,  retired  to  their  bar 
racks.  The  unsuspicious  inhabitants  were  all  asleep, 
The  French  and  Indians  lay  concealed  until  nightfall  and 
then  in  the  midst  of  a  furious  snow  storm  they  softly  en 
tered  the  town,  encircled  the  houses,  made  all  prepara 
tions  and  awakened  the  inhabitants  with  the  usual  war 
cry.  Some  sixty  were  killed,  including  twenty-two 
women  and  children,  and  ninety  persons  were  made  pris 
oners.  The  killing  was  attended  by  frightful  barbarities, 
perpetrated  by  the  Indians  as  usual.  The  town  was 
looted  and  burned,  and  taking  some  thirty  prisoners  with 
them,  having  turned  adrift  the  balance,  the  French,  laden 
with  plunder,  retraced  their  steps  to  Canada  with  light 
hearts.  A  party  of  warriors  from  the  Long-house  over 
took  them  and  in  a  fierce  battle  killed  some  eighteen  of 
them,  but  otherwise  they  got  back  safely  with  their  pris 
oners  and  their  plunder. 

Another  expedition  numbering  fifty-two  persons,  under 
de  Rouville,  surprised  the  settlement  at  Salmon  Falls  on 
the  Piscataqua  River,  on  the  night  of  March  27th,  and 
reenacted  the  butchery  at  Schenectady.  As  they  were 
retracing  their  steps  with  fifty-four  prisoners  they  fell  in 
with  the  third  French  party,  and  early  in  June  the  com 
bined  force  moved  against  the  settlement  on  Casco  Bay, 
called  Fort  Loyal,  which  is  now  Portland,  Maine. 

This  place  was  garrisoned  and  was  regularly  besieged. 
After  six  days  of  gallant  defence,  the  officer  in  command, 
Captain  Sylvanus  Davis,  surrendered  under  promises  of 
protection,  which  were  basely  forgotten,  and  the  usual 
massacre  ensued.  All  these  predatory  excursions  had 
9 


130     Colonial   Fights  and  Fighters 

been  most  brutally  and  ruthlessly  carried  out  to  complete 
success  by  the  infuriated  French  and  their  savage  allies. 
The  effect  upon  popular  opinion,  and  especially  on  the 
Indians,  was  immediate  and  decided.  There  was  some 
fight  left  in  the  French  after  all,  it  appeared. 

Meanwhile,  for  the  first  time  in  many  years,  the  sav 
ages  from  the  northwest  had  been  able  to  transport  their 
furs  and  peltries  to  Montreal.  Frontenac's  vigorous 
policy  had  opened  a  way  for  them  and  a  constantly  in 
creasing  stream  of  wealth  and  trade  poured  through  the 
colonies.  There  was  a  great  meeting  of  the  chiefs  and 
braves  at  Montreal  in  July,  and  it  is  gravely  related  that 
the  spirited  old  governor  general  actually  seized  a  toma 
hawk  and  personally  joined  in  the  war  dance,  by  which 
an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive  was  celebrated. 

A  curious  picture  is  presented  by  this  habitue  of  the 
court  of  the  proudrest,  most  punctilious,  and  best  dressed 
of  monarchs,  abandoning  himself  to  wild  Indian  revel 
ry;  whooping,  yelling,  brandishing  his  tomahawk  with  all 
the  fervor  of  the  most  savage  of  his  allies.  But  one  of 
the  secrets  of  his  success  lay  in  his  intuitive  knowledge  of 
the  savage  character  and  his  ability  to  control  the  Ind 
ians.  He  was  half  Indian  in  spirit  himself,  this  fierce 
old  warrior,  and  his  actions  they  could  understand  and 
appreciate.  Even  those  who  warred  against  him,  cher 
ished  for  him  an  instinctive  respect  and  went  softly  in 
his  presence. 

III.    Phips*  Failure  at  Quebec 

But  the  sturdy  English  colonists  did  not  submit  tamely 
to  the  inroads  of  Frontenac's  partisans.  The  sluggish 
Dutch  blood  of  New  York  was  stirred  by  the  dreadful 


Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits     131 

news  that  came  down  the  river,  and  a  certain  Captain 
John  Schuyler,  raised  a  force  to  attack  Montreal  by  land; 
Massachusetts  came  to  his  assistance.  A  party  of  sev 
eral  hundred  colonists,  under  Winthrop  and  Schuyler, 
were  assembled  in  the  spring  to  march  up  to  the  attack 
by  the  familiar  route  along  Lake  Champlain,  which  was 
the  inevitable  war  path  of  the  different  contending 
nationalities  on  this  continent  until  the  victory  of  Mac- 
Donough  finally  shut  the  gate. 

Meanwhile,  Massachusetts,  bankrupt  in  treasury  and 
exhausted  in  credit,  boldly  undertook  an  enterprise  of 
even  greater  magnitude,  no  less  than  the  capture  of 
Quebec  itself.  Massachusetts  bore  the  same  relation  to 
the  provinces  that  South  Carolina,  later  on,  did  to  the 
Southern  States.  She  was  always  spoiling  for  a  fight  and 
generally  found  people  ready  to  accommodate  her.  Ap 
pealing  to  England  for  help,  and  when  her  appeals  were 
unnoticed  falling  back  upon  her  own  limited  and  over 
strained  resources,  she  assembled  some  thirty-four  ves 
sels,  only  four  of  which  were  of  respectable  size  and  the 
rest  small  and  of  trifling  force.  In  these  vessels  were 
embarked  twenty-two  hundred  men  under  the  command 
of  Sir  William  Phips. 

Phips  was  a  plain,  rough  sailor,  originally  a  ship-car 
penter,  grossly  ignorant  and  obstinate,  who  had  captured 
Port  Royal  in  Nova  Scotia  without  striking  a  blow.  He 
was  honest,  according  to  his  lights,  and  he  was  brave. 
Other  qualifications  for  leadership  he  had  none.  Earlier 
in  life  he  had  located  a  sunken  galleon  in  the  West  Indies 
and  had  recovered  from  it  the  treasure  it  had  contained. 
He  had  put  down  a  mutiny  on  the  king's  ship  he  com 
manded  on  that  occasion  by  the  force  of  his  vigorous 
personality  and  had  been  knighted  for  these  exploits 


132     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

He  was  chosen  to  the  command  of  this  expedition,  and 
the  soldiers,  who  were,  of  course,  militiamen,  were  under 
the  direction  of  John  Walley,  a  Barnstable  mechanic. 
He,  too,  was  brave,  but  untrained,  ignorant  and  inexperi 
enced. 

The  ships  were  scantily  provisioned  and  inadequately 
provided  with  ammunition.  A  more  capable  com 
mander  would  never  have  dreamed  of  attempting  so  stu 
pendous  a  feat  of  arms  with  so  feeble  a  force.  En 
couraged,  however,  by  his  easy  success  at  Port  Royal, 
Phips  blithely  set  forth  upon  his  impossible  expedition. 
His  departure  was  much  delayed,  waiting  for  reenforce- 
ments  from  England  which  never  came,  and  it  was  not 
until  October,  near  the  commencement  of  the  closed 
season,  that  the  fleet  dropped  anchor  in  the  basin  of 
Quebec. 

The  land  expedition  up  Lake  Champlain,  badly  con 
ducted,  having  effected  nothing  whatever,  decided  to 
return.  Before  doing  so,  Schuyler  pushed  forward  with 
an  advance  party  and  had  a  severe  engagement  with  a 
larger  force  of  French  and  Indians  in  which  the  honors 
remained  with  the  Dutch-Americans,  but  the  mind  of 
Frontenac  was  set  at  rest  by  the  news  of  the  prompt  and 
final  retreat  of  the  party. 

His  calmness  was  speedily  broken  by  the  arrival  of  a 
courier  at  Montreal  with  the  startling  news  that  the  Eng 
lish  were  coming  up  the  river!  Leaving  Callieres,  gov 
ernor  of  Montreal,  to  bring  up  the  garrison  to  Quebec, 
with  all  speed  Frontenac  made  his  way  down  the  river. 
By  his  orders  fortifications  had  been  commenced  on  the 
landward  side  of  the  town.  He  had  caused  a  stockade 
with  a  ditch  and  earth  wall  to  be  built  from  the  St.  Charles 
River  to  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  work  was  not  entirely 


The   Massacre  at  La  Chine. 


Announcing  the  Arrival   of  the   English. 


Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits     133 

completed  when  he  arrived,  but  with  his  usual  vigor  he 
infused  so  much  of  his  own  spirit  into  the  population 
that  during  one  night  they  finished  the  palisade.  Can 
non  were  planted  on  the  walls  of  the  city  and  upon  the 
plateau  of  Cape  Diamond,  to  command  the  shipping  in 
the  basin,  and  two  batteries  were  erected  near  the  water's 
edge  in  front  of  the  lower  town.  The  country  was 
scoured  for  the  hardy  Canadian  militia,  and  the  regular 
garrisons  of  the  near-by  posts  on  the  river  were  concen 
trated  in  the  town. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  October  i6th,  1690,  the  fleet 
of  Phips  came  slowly  trailing  past  the  Isle  of  Orleans 
and  dropped  anchor  just  out  of  gunshot  of  the  city. 
Phips  had  not  displayed  his  usual  energy.  He  had  lin 
gered  three  weeks  at  Tadoussac  and  then  had  proceeded 
leisurely  up  the  river,  touching  at  several  places,  in  most 
of  which  he  met  with  a  warm  reception  from  Canadi 
ans  and  Indians,  who,  from  the  cover  of  the  thick  woods, 
on  the  shore,  inflicted  great  loss  upon  his  men.  The  first 
sight  of  the  city  and  the  natural  strength  of  the  position, 
apparent  even  to  his  dull  mind,  possibly  for  the  first  time 
convinced  him  that  the  task  was  not  the  easy  one  which 
his  experience  at  Port  Royal  had  led  him  confidently  to 
expect. 

Putting  a  bold  face  upon  the  matter,  however,  he  sent 
an  aide  ashore  under  a  flag  of  truce.  The  officer  was 
blindfolded  by  the  orders  of  Frontenac  and  led  by  a 
roundabout  road  over  barricade  after  barricade  into  the 
town.  Then,  still  blindfolded,  he  was  conducted  to  the 
great  hall  of  the  Chateau  St.  Louis,  the  residence  of  the 
governor,  and  the  bandage  was  taken  from  his  eyes.  He 
found  himself  standing  before  a  tall,  thin  old  man  of 
commanding  presence,  with  a  nose  like  an  eagle's  beak, 


134     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

who  looked  at  him  sternly  out  of  a  pair  of  fierce  gray 
eyes,  deep  set  under  great  tufted  brows,  a  weather- 
beaten,  age-lined  face,  which,  better  than  the  upright  fig* 
ure  and  the  easy  grace  of  movement,  bespoke  years  of 
campaigning  on  the  field.  It  was  Frontenac. 

He  was  surrounded  by  a  brilliant  group  of  the  young 
noblesse  of  the  colonies,  attired  in  all  the  bravery  which 
the  French  have  ever  managed  to  assume  however  hard 
their  circumstances  or  however  desperate  their  situation. 
To  him  the  rude  young  provincial  officer  presented  an 
impudent  summons  from  Phips  to  surrender.  The  letter 
was  read  aloud,  and  was  received  with  bursts  of  indigna 
tion  by  the  officers  and  men  present.  Frontenac,  how 
ever,  restrained  their  passion  and  dismissed  the  officer, 
refusing  to  give  him  any  letter  for  his  commander,  saying 
that  he  could  get  his  reply  from  the  mouths  of  the  cannon. 
He  remarked  incidentally,  that  a  man  of  his  station  and 
reputation  should  not  be  approached  in  the  rude  and 
brusque  manner  in  which  Phips  had  addressed  him. 

In  spite  of  Phips'  bold  demand,  his  situation  was  well- 
nigh  hopeless.  But  there  were  two  or  three  things  which 
he  might  have  done  which  would  have  presented  a  faint 
possibility  of  success.  He  was  advised  to  attack  the 
landward  side  of  the  town  and  was  informed  that  there 
was  a  practicable  path  farther  up  the  river  affording  ac 
cess  to  the  plateau.  It  was  the  same  path  by  which 
Wolfe  made  his  famous  ascent  of  the  cliff  seventy  years 
later.  Phips  rejected  this  offer  and  decided  to  land  his 
men  on  the  side  of  the  Charles  River  opposite  Quebec, 
cross  the  river  at  a  ford  and  capture  the  town  by  storm, 
while  he,  himself,  engaged  the  different  batteries  with 
his  ships!  While  these  preparations  were  going  on,  the 
garrison  of  the  town  was  reenforced  by  the  arrival  of 


Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits     135 

Callieres  and  his  men  from  Montreal;  that  was  the  end 
of  Phips'  last  hope  if  he  had  known  it,  which,  of  course, 
he  did  not. 

In  pursuance  of  his  foolhardy  plan,  after  some  delays 
Walley  and  fifteen  hundred  men  were  debarked  at 
Charlesbourg.  They  were  met  by  a  warm  fire  from  par 
ties  of  French  on  the  Quebec  side  of  the  Charles  River, 
who  proceeded  to  annoy  and  harass  them  greatly,  inflict 
ing  severe  loss  upon  them.  The  New  Englanders  fought 
bravely,  charging  their  concealed  foes  in  the  thickets 
again  and  again,  but  to  no  avail.  Before  Walley  could 
properly  make  such  disposition  as  his  untutored  mind 
permitted,  with  culpable  impatience  Phips  moved  over 
to  attack  the  town  with  his  ships.  It  was  perfectly  prac 
ticable  for  him  to  enter  the  Charles  River  and  cover  the 
passage  of  his  troops  by  his  ships,  instead  of  which,  he 
threw  away  the  only  remaining  chance  of  success  and 
proceeded  to  bombard  the  upper  and  lower  town  and 
the  rocky  heights  of  Cape  Diamond. 

Frontenac  was  ready  for  him,  and  the  ships  and  the 
town  engaged  in  a  hot  fire  for  two  days.  No  harm  was 
done  the  city;  the  gunnery  of  the  English  was  execrable, 
their  powder  supply  was  finally  exhausted  and  they  ac 
complished  nothing  beyond  battering  up  the  face  of  the 
rock.  On  the  other  hand  Frontenac  dismasted  the  flag 
ship,  seriously  damaged  many  other  vessels,  and  finally 
drove  the  whole  fleet  out  of  action.  Phips'  flag  which 
floated  over  to  the  strand  was  picked  up  by  the  French 
as  a  trophy. 

Meanwhile,  smallpox  broke  out  among  the  men  on 
shore.  When  Phips  heard  of  this  news  he  practically 
gave  up  the  game.  Although  he  blustered  somewhat, 
the  spirit  was  gone  out  of  him.  He  had  still  to  extricate 


136     Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

Walley's  troops  from  their  now  precarious  situation. 
Manifesting  at  last  some  little  evidence  of  military  apti 
tude,  he  moved  some  of  his  vessels  near  the  shore  to  pro 
tect  Walley's  wretched  men,  who  had  suffered  greatly 
from  rain,  exposure,  and  sickness,  and  from  parties  of 
French  skirmishers  and  Indian  raiders,  until  the  weather 
permitted  to  reembark  the  party  on  the  fleet. 

Having  done  this  successfully,  on  the  2ist  of  October, 
after  wasting  two  aimless  days,  he  turned  tail  and,  fol 
lowed  by  his  disorganized  and  scattered  ships,  went 
helter-skelter  down  the  river.  Stopping  below  Isle  Or 
leans  to  careen  his  shattered  ships  and  repair  damages, 
he  finally  reached  Boston  with  but  few  of  his  vessels  in 
company,  and  while  many  of  them  finally  arrived  at  dif 
ferent  ports,  a  number  of  the  vessels  were  lost  with  all 
on  board.  As  the  result  of  this  disastrous  expedition, 
the  credit  of  impoverished  Massachusetts  was  lower  and 
her  treasury  a  little  more  empty  than  before.  The  pres 
tige  of  Frontenac  was  greatly  enhanced  by  this  gallant 
defence,  and  his  most  Christian  Majesty  at  Versailles  even 
went  so  far  as  to  strike  a  medal  in  honor  of  the  event, 
which,  like  all  the  medals  he  struck,  bore  the  image  of 
his  own  royal  physiognomy. 

During  the  remainder  of  Frontenac's  term  of  office  in 
Canada,  neither  party  being  able  to  muster  an  army  for 
midable  enough  to  undertake  a  conquest  on  a  large  scale, 
the  French,  English,  and  Indians  confronted  one  another 
with  an  implacable  hatred,  which  found  no  outlet  save  in 
predatory  excursions  and  forays.  A  trail  of  blood  and 
terror  extended  over  all  the  frontier.  The  torch  and  the 
scalping-knife  were  busy  in  every  direction.  Success  in 
clined  sometimes  to  one  side  and  sometimes  to  the  other, 
but  on  the  whole,  the  balance  of  advantage  was  with  the 
French. 


Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits     137 

In  1691,  Peter  Schuyler,  ancestor  of  General  Philip 
Schuyler  of  Revolutionary  fame,  had  an  encounter  with 
Valrenne  near  Chambly  on  the  Richelieu  River,  which 
Frontenac  characterizes  as  the  hottest  fight  which  had 
yet  taken  place  in  Canada.  The  honors  appear  to  have 
been  equally  distributed  in  the  barren  but  desperate  en 
gagement.  By  Frontenac's  orders  and  inspired  by  the 
Jesuit  priests  from  1691  to  1695  the  Abenakis  broke  up 
the  English  settlements  on  the  coast  of  Maine  by  re 
peated  raids  of  the  same  terrible  character.  Indeed  the 
Christianized  Indians  were  quite  as  ferocious  as  their 
heathen  brethren.  In  the  end  the  French  were  entirely 
successful  and  the  English  were  pushed  down  to  the  sea 
board  settlements  and  compelled  to  stand  on  the  defen 
sive.  But  little  could  be  done  for  the  support  of  the 
English  colonists  in  this  war  by  the  Home  Government, 
which,  at  the  time,  had  troubles  of  its  own  on  its  hands. 
The  Iroquois,  too,  suffered  severely  and  after  the  defeats 
of  the  English  they  never  took  the  field  in  force  as  they 
had  done  at  La  Chine. 

IV.   D'Iberville  in  Hudson's  Bay 

In  1696  an  expedition  comprising  three  ships  under 
the  famous  d'Iberville,  captured  the  fort  at  Pemaquid. 
After  this  adventure  d'Iberville  sailed  for  Newfoundland, 
captured  St.  John's,  and  ravaged  the  island.  The  next 
year  among  other  attacks  which  Frontenac  planned  was 
one  upon  the  English  trading  posts  on  Hudson's  Bay. 
To  drive  the  English  from  this  section,  which  he  consid 
ered  particularly  his  own,  had  been  a  favorite  project  of 
the  king.  Therefore,  by  Frontenac's  orders,  in  1697, 
d'Iberville  turned  the  prows  of  his  little  squadron  of  five 


138     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

ships  to  the  northward  and  skirted  along  the  coast  of 
Labrador.  Picking  his  way  through  the  ice  floes  which 
came  floating  down  from  the  frozen  north,  in  August 
he  finally  entered  that  gloomy  gray  inland  sea  named 
after  the  unfortunate  Henry  Hudson. 

At  the  entrance  of  the  bay  the  supply  ship  was  caught 
in  the  icepack  and  lost.  A  few  days  later  a  violent  storm 
arose  which  separated  d'Iberville  from  his  three  remain 
ing  ships.  As  he  sailed  down  the  bay  in  his  frigate  the 
Pelican,  forty-four  guns,  one  morning  the  lookouts 
sighted  three  large  vessels  coming  toward  them.  Sup 
posing  that  they  were  his  missing  ships  he  immediately 
headed  for  them,  but  to  his  great  surprise  presently  dis 
covered  that  they  were  three  large  English  vessels — the 
Hampshire,  a  man-of-war  of  fifty-two  guns  (in  bad  con 
dition);  and  two  armed  merchantmen — the  Daring,  of 
thirty-six,  and  the  Hudson's  Bay,  of  thirty-two.  The 
three  ships  greatly  outclassed  his  own  single  frigate,  but 
with  the  usual  dauntless  gallantry  of  his  race,  d'Iberville 
immediately  engaged  them. 

It  was  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  battle 
that  ensued  was  an  exceeding  hot  one.  During  the  com 
bat,  by  his  brilliant  seamanship,  however,  d'Iberville  so 
manoeuvred  his  frigate  that  he  succeeded  in  raking  his 
opponents  in  succession.  About  one  o'clock  he  man 
aged  to  take  such  an  advantageous  position  off  the  quar 
ter  of  the  dismasted  Hampshire  that  she  literally  sank 
with  all  on  board  under  his  furious  broadsides.  He  then 
closed  with  the  Hudson's  Bay,  which  presently  struck 
her  flag  in  a  sinking  condition,  upon  which  the  Daring 
fled  and  was  seen  no  more.  The  Pelican  was  too  much 
cut  up  to  pursue. 

Flushed  with  victory  d'Iberville  stood  on  down  toward 


Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits     139 

Fort  Nelson,  which  it  was  necessary  to  capture.  Another 
fierce  gale  blew  up  and  his  ship  ran  ashore  and  was 
wrecked.  She  had  been  badly  shattered  in  hull,  masts, 
and  rigging,  and  was  in  no  condition  to  weather  the 
storm.  By  herculean  efforts  he  succeeded  in  landing  his 
men  and  prisoners  and  saving  his  arms  and  ammunition. 
The  Hudson's  Bay  was  also  lost.  Undaunted  by  this 
misfortune  he  marched  overland  to  the  fort  and  invested 
it.  Fortunately,  however,  his  missing  ships  arrived  at 
this  time.  The  fort  was  vigorously  bombarded  and  after 
three  days  surrendered,  the  garrison  receiving  honorable 
terms.  The  French  spent  the  winter  there  and  when  the 
spring  came  they  returned  to  Quebec,  having  utterly 
broken  up  the  English  trade.  It  was  a  glorious  exploit 
and  well  worthy  the  genius  of  the  colonizer  of  Louisiana. 
"  He  had  triumphed  over  the  storms,  the  icebergs,  and 
the  English."  Yet  the  brilliant  adventure  is  scarcely  re 
ferred  to  in  history. 


V.    Striking  the  Iroquois 

New  France  was  now  exceedingly  prosperous.  The 
fur  trade,  upon  which  it  depended,  had  recommenced 
and  there  remained  no  enemy  to  be  dealt  with  except 
the  Iroquois.  The  spirit  of  this  wronderful  confederation 
of  savage  tribes  was  as  high  as  ever,  but  their  power  had 
greatly  diminished.  Continued  warfare  with  enemies 
constantly  growing  more  powerful,  as  the  French,  and 
with  foes  to  whom  an  inveterate  hatred  superadded  an 
unwonted  bitterness  in  combat,  like  the  Huron  and  the 
Illinois,  had  greatly  depleted  the  ranks  of  their  fighting 
men.  With  sullen  defiance,  however,  though  they  were 


140     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

in  the  main  abandoned  by  their  English  allies,  they  re 
fused  to  make  peace,  which  Frontenac  so  earnestly 
sought  of  them,  and  whenever  opportunity  presented 
they  continued  their  savage  forays  against  New  France. 

In  the  year  1696  the  governor  general  determined 
finally  to  break  their  opposition.  By  great  exertions  he 
assembled  at  Fort  Frontenac  on  Lake  Ontario,  the 
largest  army  which  had  ever  set  forth  upon  a  land  expedi 
tion  in  Canada.  In  a  vast  fleet  of  bateaux  and  canoes 
some  twenty-two  hundred  men  under  the  leadership  of 
the  indomitable  old  Count  himself,  then  seventy-six  years 
of  age,  crossed  the  lake  and  entered  the  Oswego  River. 
Transporting  their  boats  by  portage  around  the  falls  and 
overland  they  embarked  on  Lake  Onondaga  and  pres 
ently  reached  the  land  of  the  Long-house. 

As  the  army  debarked  upon  the  shore  they  saw  in  the 
distance  dense  columns  of  smoke  and  as  they  advanced 
in  martial  array  through  the  forest,  with  drums  beating 
and  trumpets  sounding,  they  found  that  the  Onondagas 
had  burned  their  town  and  fled  rather  than  risk  a  bat 
tle.  Frontenac  sent  his  men  to  complete  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  crops  in  the  fields  and  the  villages  nearby, 
which  they  did  with  merciless  severity.  They  made  cap 
tive  several  fugitives  who  had  failed  to  make  good  their 
escape  and  these  they  put  to  death  with  an  exquisite  re 
finement  of  torture,  which  would  not  have  shamed  an 
Iroquois.  Then,  having  marched  through  the  country 
in  a  high-handed  manner  and  demonstrated  their  power 
in  such  a  way  that  even  the  unthinking  Indian  realized 
it,  they  returned  to  Fort  Frontenac,  and  the  Indians  soon 
thereafter  sued  for  peace.  Perhaps  they  were  further 
moved  to  this  design  by  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of  Rys- 
wyck,  September  2Oth,  1697,  which  brought  about  peace 


Some  of  Frontenac's  Exploits     141 

between  England  and  the  French  and  deprived  the 
Iroquois  of  their  strongest  ally. 

The  news  of  the  peace  also  nipped  in  the  bud  some 
brilliant  schemes  of  the  aged  Count,  which  he  was  pre 
paring  to  put  into  operation,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he 
was  not  only  an  old  but  a  broken  man.  He  had  become 
in  fact  so  worn  out  by  his  strenuous  life,  that  in  the  last 
campaign  against  the  Iroquois,  it  had  been  necessary  to 
carry  him  about  in  a  chair.  The  eagle  spirit  with  which 
he  had  fought  through  so  many  battles  had  at  last  worn 
away  the  bars  of  the  cage  and  was  about  to  take  its  flight. 
His  end  was  peaceful.  The  intendant  Champigny,  with 
whom  he  had  been  continually  at  odds,  forgot  their  differ 
ences  and  did  his  best  to  cheer  the  declining  hours  of  the 
lonely  old  governor.  He  kept  up  his  haughty  spirit  to 
the  last,  hurling  defiance  at  Lord  Bellemont,  the  royal 
governor  of  New  York,  in  a  spirited  correspondence,  un 
til  the  end  of  all  his  struggles  came  quietly  and  peacefully 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  28th  of  November,  1698.  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  he  bequeathed  his  property  to 
the  wife  of  his  youth,  who  survived  him.  I  wonder  if 
she  remembered  the  romance  of  her  girlhood. 

Frontenac  left  the  colony  at  the  very  height  of  its  fort 
unes;  not  before,  nor  after,  was  it  in  the  enjoyment  of 
such  prosperity.  Though  in  the  idea  of  absolutism  in 
rule  which  it  represented  was  enshrined  the  inevitable 
cause  of  its  downfall,  when  opposed  to  the  idea  of  inde 
pendence  exhibited  by  its  English  rival,  yet  Frontenac 
endued  it  with  such  vitality,  that  through  him  it  lasted 
for  sixty  years  longer,  until  it  died  with  Montcalm. 

Frontenac  had  all  the  vices  of  his  age.  He  was  high- 
tempered,  passionate,  haughty  and  unyielding.  Con 
ciliation  was  an  element  entirely  foreign  to  his  character. 


142     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

He  quarrelled  always,  everywhere  and  with  everyone. 
He  contended  for  his  personal  prerogatives  with  as  much 
zeal  as  he  fought  for  his  king.  He  cannot  be  held  guilt 
less  of  inaugurating  the  ruthless  reprisals  which  devas 
tated  the  border.  It  is  not  on  record  that  he  took  any 
steps  to  prevent  the  calamities  and  mitigate  the  horrors 
attendant  upon  the  raids  which  he  planned  and  which  were 
carried  out  by  his  partisans,  wood  rangers  and  Indians. 
He  was  a  good  hater  and  an  unsparing  combatant,  but 
his  faults  were  more  than  counter-balanced  by  his  good 
qualities  and  his  virtues. 

He  was  loyal  to  his  friends,  generous  in  his  apprecia 
tion  of  the  merit  and  achievements  of  those  beneath  him. 
Petty  jealousy  of  his  officers  had  no  place  in  his  large 
mind.  He  was  a  man  of  splendid  executive  ability,  un 
wearied  persistence  and  the  highest  courage,  a  trained 
and  brilliant  soldier  of  wide  experience,  and  a  devoted 
servant  of  his  king  and  his  country.  Between  Cham- 
plain  and  Montcalm  he  stands  the  most  splendid  repre 
sentative  of  the  power  of  France  in  America.  He  suc 
ceeded  where  others  failed,  and  few  men  who  have  lived 
have  so  far  impressed  upon  the  keen  judgment  of  the 
Red  Men — who  with  all  their  faults,  were  seldom  de 
ceived  in  their  estimate  of  a  man  and  a  soldier — such  evi> 
dence  of  power  and  capacity  and  courage,  as  this  grim 
soldier  from  the  battle  fields  of  the  Old  World,  this  gay 
courtier  from  the  parks  of  Versailles,  who  finished  his 
course,  like  the  eagle  in  his  aerie,  on  the  gray  old  rock 
of  Cape  Diamond. 


PART  III 
VARIOUS   EARLY  COLONIAL  WARS 

II 

Oglethorpe  on  St.  Simon's  Island 


OGLETHORPE  ON  ST.  SIMON'S  ISLAND 

I.    The  Spanish  Expedition 

IT  is  perhaps  not  generally  known  that  the  Spanish- 
American  War  of  1898  had  a  precursor  on  this  con 
tinent  in  the  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession,  some 
times  called  locally  "  King  George's  War."  During  this 
conflict  the  Spanish  invaded  the  province  of  Georgia  in 
great  force,  and  but  for  the  skill  and  courage  of  James 
Edward  Oglethorpe  would  probably  have  carried  their 
arms  successfully  up  the  coast  for  an  indefinite  distance. 
Save  in  the  largest  histories  the  defence  of  St.  Simon's 
Island,  which  was  the  principal  and  most  picturesque 
episode  of  the  war,  is  passed  by  with  scarcely  more  than 
a  mention,  yet  it  was  as  pretty  a  feat  of  arms  on  the 
part  of  the  colonists  and  as  brilliantly  successful  in  its 
outcome  as  any  campaign  ever  fought  on  the  continent. 
Oglethorpe,  the  founder  of  Georgia,  was  one  of  the 
most  interesting  characters  in  the  whole  range  of 
colonial  record.  Our  personal  knowledge  of  him  is 
probably  greater  than  that  we  possess  of  any  of  his  con 
temporaries,  for  he  lived  to  a  great  age,  being  ninety 
years  old  when  he  died;  and  as  he  was  of  good  birth, 
ample  fortune,  a  man  of  affairs  who  had  risen  to  high 
station,  he  mingled  with  the  best  society  in  his  long  life, 
and  many  interesting  anecdotes  of  him  have  been  re 
corded.  He  and  the  great  Dr.  Johnson  were  warm 
friends,  for  instance,  and  the  industrious  and  ever  delight- 
10  145 


146     Colonial   Fights   and   Fighters 

ful  Boswell  has  set  down  much  about  him,  with  that  dis 
criminating  eye  for  interesting  personal  gossip  which  he 
possessed. 

Oglethorpe  was  born  in  London  near  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  probably  in  1696.*  He  early  en 
tered  the  military  service  and  in  the  Austro-Turkish  War 
served  as  an  aide  to  the  celebrated  Prince  Eugene,  and 
was  present  doing  good  service  at  the  famous  siege  of 
Belgrade.  While  scarcely  more  than  a  boy,  dining  with 
a  prince  of  Wiirtemberg  and  other  officers,  the  prince 
rudely  filliped  a  few  drops  of  wine  from  his  glass  into  the 
face  of  the  young  ensign.  In  Boswell's  words,  "  Here 
was  a  nice  dilemma.  To  have  challenged  him  instantly 
might  have  fixed  a  quarrelsome  character  upon  the 
young  soldier;  to  have  taken  no  notice  of  it  might  have 
been  considered  as  cowardice.  Oglethorpe,  therefore, 
keeping  his  eye  upon  the  prince,  and  smiling  all  the  time 
as  if  he  took  what  his  highness  had  done  in  jest,  said, 
*  My  prince,  that  is  a  good  joke;  but  we  do  it  much  bet 
ter  in  England,'  and  then  threw  a  whole  glass  of  wine  in 
the  prince's  face!  An  old  general  who  sat  by,  said, 
'  That  was  well  done,  my  prince,  you  began  it.'  '  Ogle 
thorpe  had  chosen  a  remarkably  neat  and  effective  way 
of  getting  out  of  the  difficulty,  and  one  which  would  not 
have  occurred  to  many  boys  of  his  age.  Under  the  cir 
cumstances  there  was  nothing  the  prince  could  do;  what 
he  thought  of  it  all  has  not  been  recorded. 

After  leaving  the  army,  in  which  his  service  had  been 
exceptionally  brilliant,  Oglethorpe  entered  Parliament 
and,  his  attention  being  turned  by  service  on  a  commit- 

*  There  is  much  uncertainty  about  the  date  of  Oglethorpe's  birth,  and  the 
authorities  differ  widely  The  latest  and  most  authoritative  work  on  the 
subject,  The  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  gives  it  as  1696. 


Oglethorpe  on  St.   Simon's  Island    147 

tee  of  investigation  to  the  situation  of  insolvent  debtors 
of  England,  he  determined  to  relieve  their  hard  condi 
tion.  With  the  sanction  of  the  king  a  company  was 
formed  and  a  grant  of  land  obtained  south  of  the  Caro- 
linas,  which  was  to  be  constituted  "  a  place  of  refuge  for 
the  distressed  people  of  Britain,  and  the  persecuted  Prot 
estants  of  Europe." 

The  prospective  settlers  therein  were  all  scrupulously 
examined  by  the  agents  of  the  company  and  no  one  was 
allowed  to  embark  for  the  colony  whose  character  and 
ability  could  not  pass  the  scrutiny  successfully.  In  this 
respect  the  colony  of  Georgia  was  unique.  The  only 
debtors,  too,  who  were  allowed  to  go  there  were  those 
who  had  become  involved  in  difficulties  and  were  lan 
guishing  in  prisons  through  misfortune,  and  fraudulent 
debtors  were  rigorously  excluded. 

Oglethorpe  was  a  stanch  Protestant  and  he  debarred 
from  his  colony  all  Papists.  He  was  liberal  enough,  how 
ever,  to  welcome  Jews  if  any  should  desire  to  come.  The 
first  settlement  was  formed  at  Savannah  in  1733  and  by 
Oglethorpe  in  person,  and  thereafter  a  steady  stream  of 
immigrants  of  the  very  highest  class  poured  into  the 
colony  and  settlements  were  made  at  different  points. 
Among  those  who  sought  refuge  in  the  new  land  were 
sturdy  and  industrious  Lutherans  from  Salzburg,  fleeing 
from  the  persecutions  of  their  prince-bishop;  frugal  and 
pious  Moravians  under  the  leadership  of  the  cultured, 
able,  and  learned  Spangenberg;  and  a  small  body  of  bold 
and  warlike  Highlanders  from  Scotland.  The  colony 
grew  and  prospered  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  rum  and 
negro  slavery  were  both  equally  prohibited.  Among  its 
inhabitants  at  different  times  were  John  and  Charles 
Wesley  and  George  Whitefield. 


148     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

When  the  European  War  began,  which  Carlyle  calls 
"Jenkins'  ear  war,"  from  the  act  of  the  Spaniards  in 
cutting  off  the  ear  of  a  certain  English  sea  captain  of  un 
savory  reputation  named  Jenkins — who  lied  about  the 
incident  atrociously,  by  the  way — the  southern  American 
colonists,  of  course,  were  involved  in  the  struggle. 
Oglethorpe,  who  had  gone  back  to  England  in  the  in 
terim,  was  appointed  brigadier  general,  with  supreme 
command  of  all  the  military  forces  of  Georgia  and  the 
Carolinas.  He  returned  to  the  province  he  had  founded 
and  so  ably  administered  at  the  head  of  a  trained,  dis 
ciplined  regiment  of  six  hundred  men,  which  had  been 
raised  and  equipped  in  England. 

In  the  summer  of  1740  he  undertook  an  unsuccessful 
and  ill-advised  campaign  against  St.  Augustine,  with  a 
motley  force  of  two  thousand  colonists  and  Indians  and 
a  squadron  of  six  English  ships.  The  invaders  effected 
nothing.  They  had  no  siege  guns,  the  Spaniards  were 
reenforced  from  Havana,  and  after  exhibiting  a  high 
degree  of  forbearance  for  the  inoffensive  inhabitants  of 
the  land,  whom  they  had  treated  with  unusual  courtesy, 
they  gave  over  the  attempt  and  withdrew  from  Florida. 

The  commander  of  Fort  Augustine,  Don  Manuel  de 
Monteano,  who  had  successfully  repulsed  Oglethorpe's 
attack,  conceived  the  design  of  delivering  a  return  stroke 
which  would  be  decisive.  Summoning  to  his  aid  all  the 
forces  of  Cuba,  great  preparations  were  made  for  the 
coming  campaign.  The  Spaniards  hoped  to  sweep  the 
whole  southern  seaboard,  overwhelm  the  weak  colony 
of  Georgia,  take  the  wealthy  and  populous  Carolina 
provinces,  and  carry  the  war  at  least  as  far  as  Virginia. 
The  result  of  the  campaign  would  probably  make  them 
masters  of  all  the  territory  south  of  the  afterward  famous 


Oglethorpe  on  St.   Simon's  Island    149 

Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  and  add  an  empire  to  the  Span 
ish  colonial  dominion. 

Over  fifty  ships  of  various  sizes  were  assembled  be 
tween  the  two  ports,  Havana  and  St.  Augustine,  upon 
which  were  embarked  between  five  and  six  thousand 
men,  many  of  them  veterans  of  the  celebrated  Spanish 
infantry  which  had  often  proved  itself  among  the  best 
soldiery  of  Europe.  The  expedition  was  provided  with 
every  necessary  equipment  including  an  unusually  fine 
artillery  train. 

The  Georgia  seaboard,  even  more  than  that  of  the 
Carolinas,  is  covered  with  large  islands  and  shoals,  access 
to  the  main  land  being  had  through  numerous  sounds 
between  the  islands.  On  several  of  these  islands  Ogle 
thorpe  had  erected  fortifications,  notably  Fort  William 
on  Cumberland  Island,  commanding  Amelia  Sound;  but 
the  principal  defensive  works  were  on  St.  Simon's  Island, 
off  the  mouth  of  the  Altamaha  River. 

Here  some  six  years  before  had  been  established  the 
military  settlement  of  Frederica.  As  he  had  named  the 
province  Georgia  in  honor  of  George  II. ,  so  he  had  called 
the  town  Frederica,  after  the  worthless  and  dissipated 
Frederick,  Prince  of  Wales,  who  is  known  to  fame  as  the 
father  of  George  III.,  and  is  the  man  for  whose  dog  Pope 
wrote  the  following  verse: 

"  I  am  his  highness'  dog  at  Kew, 
Good  reader,  pray,  whose  dog  are  you  ?  " 

These  are  the  principal  things  for  which  Frederick  is 
noted. 

Georgia  was  of  necessity  what  we  would  now  call  a 
"  buffer  "  State,  between  the  older  northerly  colonies  and 
the  Spanish  settlements  in  Florida.  Oglethorpe  had 


Early  Settlements  in  Georgia,  and  Map  of  St.  Simon's  Island  and 
Frederica 


Oglethorpe  on  St.   Simon's  Island    151 

chosen  the  location  on  St.  Simon's  Island  with  an  eye 
single  to  its  defensive  possibilities.  On  a  high  bluff  sur 
rounded  by  thick  and  impenetrable  forests,  about  mid 
way  on  the  western  shore  of  the  island,  he  had  built  a 
fort  protected  on  the  land  side  by  a  tide-water  ditch,  and 
on  the  river  side  by  a  water  battery  and  by  another  bat 
tery  of  twelve  heavy  guns  so  mounted  as  to  command 
the  channel  of  a  navigable  river  which  gave  access  to  the 
place,  for  three  quarters  of  a  mile.  Any  attacking  ships 
would  be  forced  to  subject  themselves  to  a  rak'.ng  fire  for 
that  distance  as  they  came  in.  In  addition  they  \vould 
be  compelled  to  endure  an  oblique  fire,  from  the  fort  it 
self. 

The  intrenchments  were  strongly  built  of  a  material 
called  "  tabby,"  a  compound  of  lime,  sand,  and  shells, 
which  hardened  upon  exposure  into  stone-like  cement 
of  impenetrable  consistency.  The  fort  and  the  batteries 
were  amply  provided  with  artillery.  On  one  side  of  the 
fort  before  the  forests  began  was  an  open  place  used  as  a 
parade  ground,  which  was  completely  commanded  by  its 
guns.  Back  of  the  fort,  the  town,  surrounded  by  a  ram 
part,  was  built.  No  access  to  Frederica,  built  upon  the 
landward  or  the  river  shore,  was  possible  from  the  sea 
ward  shore  of  the  island,  on  account  of  the  character  of 
the  beach  and  certain  pathless  morasses  beyctfC  it.  At 
the  lower  part  of  the  island  and  commanding  St.  Simon's, 
or  Jekyl,  Sound,  several  batteries  had  been  erected  and  a 
well-built  road  laid  out  connecting  Frederica  with  these 
works.  The  road  wound  about  in  devious  course  be 
tween  impenetrable  forests  and  dangerous  marshes. 
Sometimes  it  would  widen  into  a  meadow  or  savanna 
where  would  be  a  clearing  spacious  enough  in  which  to 
pitch  a  camp,  but  presently  the  forest  and  the  marsh 


152      Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

would  approach  each  other  once  more  and  the  road  re 
sume  its  character  of  a  narrow  pass. 

To  garrison  Frederica,  Oglethorpe  had  his  own  regi 
ment,  which  was  an  efficient  body  of  men,  well  officered, 
several  companies  of  Rangers,  and  a  small  body  of  High 
landers  from  the,  settlement  at  Darien,  full  of  warlike 
courage  and  zeal  as  became  the  children  of  the  fighting 
Scottish  race.  In  all  they  amounted  to  less  than  eight 
hundred  men.  To  supplement  this  force  he  had  his  own 
schooner  of  fourteen  guns  and  eighty  men,  two  sloops  of 
about  the  same  size  and  armament,  a  large  merchant  ship 
called  the  Success,  which  mounted  twenty-two  guns,  and 
several  smaller  craft. 

Before  attempting  any  enterprise  against  the  upper 
coast  cities  to  the  northward,  it  was  necessary  for  the 
invaders  to  dispose  of  this  force.  It  would  be  dangerous 
to  leave  such  a  post  to  menace  the  rear  of  the  Spanish 
expedition  and  possibly  destroy  its  communications. 
Monteano  therefore  intended  to  sweep  the  little  English 
and  colonial  force  off  the  coast  in  short  order  and  pro 
ceed  on  his  way  rejoicing.  He  thought  it  would  be  an 
easy  task.  He  reckoned  without  his  host,  as  we  shall 
see. 

On  the  22d  of  June,  1743,  the  commanding  officer  of 
Fort  William  found  means  to  inform  Oglethorpe  that 
fourteen  Spanish  ships  had  appeared  off  Amelia  Sound. 
It  was  the  advance,  of  the  expected  attack.  After  a 
smart  engagement  with  the  fort  they  were  driven  off 
with  some  loss  and  entered  Cumberland  Sound  north  of 
the  island  and  out  of  range  of  Fort  William,  but  within 
easy  shooting  distance  of  Fort  Andrew.  The  two  forts 
on  Cumberland  Island  were  both  small  and  not  provided 
with  large  garrisons.  Their  situation  was  critical.  Ogle- 


Oglethorpe  on  St.   Simon's  Island    153 

thorpe  acted  promptly;  he  always  did.  Embarking  two 
companies  of  his  regiment  on  his  own  schooner  and  the 
two  sloops  and  taking  advantage  of  a  favorable  wind,  he 
at  once  put  to  sea. 

On  the  evening  of  the  23d  of  June  he  came  in  sight  of 
the  Spanish  squadron  riding  quietly  at  anchor.  Giving 
them  no  time  to  get  under  way  or  to  make  any  other 
preparation  for  battle,  with  bold  yet  calculated  courage 
he  dashed  at  them.  Although  one  of  his  captains,  named 
Tolson,  became  panic-stricken  at  the  sight  of  the  odds 
and  bore  away  from  the  approaching  contest  seeking 
safety  in  ignominious  flight,  Oglethorpe,  followed  by  the 
other  sloop,  kept  right  on.  The  Spaniards  were  taken 
by  surprise  by  the  audacity  of  his  manoeuvres,  yet  they 
hurried  to  their  quarters  and  opened  a  wild  and  inef 
fectual  fire  upon  the  approaching  English  from  the  guns 
that  bore.  Oglethorpe  skilfully  ran  into  the  smoke  banks 
to  leeward  and,  himself  hidden,  deliberately  poured  his 
broadsides  into  the  huddled  mass  of  the  Spanish  at  short 
range,  with  such  effect  that  no  less  than  four  of  the  Span 
ish  vessels  afterward  foundered  in  a  storm  on  account 
of  the  severe  handling  they  had  received. 

The  two  little  vessels  succeeded  in  passing  the  Spanish 
fleet  with  little  or  no  loss.  Oglethorpe  landed  imme 
diately  on  Cumberland  Island  and,  after  spiking  the  guns 
of  Fort  St.  Andrew,  threw  some  of  his  soldiers  and  the 
garrison  of  the,  abandoned  work  into  Fort  William. 
Leaving  a  promising  young  Scotsman  named  Alexander 
Stewart  in  command  of  that  work,  the  general  succeeded 
in  regaining  St.  Simon's  Island  with  his  two  remaining 
vessels  without  further  loss.  His  arrival  was  a  source  of 
great  joy  to  the  soldiers  and  inhabitants  of  Frederica,  as 
the  boat  which  had  run  away  had  returned  bearing  the 


154     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

news  that  Oglethorpe's  flotilla  had  been  sunk  by  the 
Spaniards  and  that  he  had  been  lost.  The  cowardly  cap 
tain  was  immediately  put  under  arrest  for  his  pusillani 
mous  conduct. 


II.    The  Defence  of  Frederica 

On  the  28th  of  June  the  united  Spanish  fleet  appeared 
off  St.  Simon's  Bar.  The  number  of  vessels  varies  in 
the  different  accounts,  some  authorities  stating  that  there 
were  as  many  as  fifty-six.  There  were  at  least  thirty-six 
of  them,  however,  the  largest  being  three  ships  of  twenty 
guns  each,  although  the  majority  of  them  were  vessels  of 
a  sort  known  as  a  "  half-galley,"  probably  propelled  by 
sweeps  as  well  as  sails;  some  of  them  were  large  enough 
to  carry  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  and  mount  an 
eighteen-pound  gun,  although  being  built  for  service  in 
inland  streams,  they  drew  but  five  feet  of  water.  The 
statements  as  to  the  number  of  soldiers  on  board  range 
from  seven  to  five  thousand.  On  the  5th  of  July,  the 
Spaniards,  taking  advantage  of  a  brisk  gale  and  a  heavy 
flood  tide,  crossed  the  bar  and  engaged  the  forts  at  the 
end  of  the  island.  For  four  hours  the  battle  was  severely 
contested.  The  Success  and  the  small  ships  also  joined 
in  the  encounter  and  the  Spanish  made  four  different 
attempts  to  board  the  Success,  which,  from  her  larger 
size,  was  necessarily  anchored  farthest  away  from  the 
shore.  They  were  repulsed  in  each  instance  with  heavy 
loss.  They  finally  abandoned  the  contest,  but  they  suc 
ceeded  in  passing  the  forts  and  entering  the  river  well  up 
toward  Frederica. 

Oglethorpe  acted  promptly  as  usual.  Sending  his 
vessels  to  sea  with  orders  that  they  proceed  to  Savannah, 


Ogletliorpe  on  St.   Simon's  Island    155 

he  spiked  the  guns  of  the  batteries  at  the  lower  end  of 
the  island  and  concentrated  his  forces  at  Frederica.  The 
Spanish  commander,  having  reconnoitred  the  water  ap 
proach  to  that  fort,  and  after  having  advanced  rather 
hesitatingly  to  attack  it,  which  attempt  was  repulsed  with 
some  loss,  determined  to  land  his  army  at  Gascoigne's 
bluff  on  the  island.  Some  four  thousand  men,  including 
the  Spanish  artillery,  grenadiers,  and  dismounted  dra 
goons,  and  regiments  of  negroes  and  mulattoes,  took 
possession  of  the  abandoned  forts,  erected  additional 
batteries  mounting  twenty  eighteen-pound  guns,  and 
made  other  preparations  for  the  expected  conquest. 

They  had  discovered  that  it  was  impossible  to  take  the 
fort  by  water,  and  that  it  was  equally  impossible  to  lead 
an  army  through  the.  woods.  The  military  road  which 
Oglethorpe  had  built  offered  the  only  practicable  mode 
of  access  to  Frederica.  On  the  7th  of  July,  Don  Manuel 
sent  out  a  scouting  party  comprising  one  hundred  and 
twenty  Spaniards,  forty  Indians  and  forty  negro  grena 
diers.  They  came  marching  gayly  up  the  road  and  walked 
blindly  into  an  ambush  which  had  been  prepared  with 
consummate  skill  by  the  English  commander.  In  the 
battle  that  ensued  the  greater  part  of  them  were  killed 
out  of  hand.  A  few  only  of  the  Indians  and  negroes 
escaped  to  tell  the  tale.  Oglethorpe  took  a  prominent 
part  in  the  fighting,  engaging  the  Spanish  captain  hand 
to  hand  and  finally  killing  him.  He  performed  several 
feats  of  personal  prowess  in  the  encounter  which  greatly 
endeared  him  to  his  men.  The  English  pursued  the  fly 
ing  Spanish  for  several  miles  until  they  came  to  an  open 
meadow  on  the  edge  of  which  Oglethorpe  posted  them 
in  anticipation  of  a  return  attack.  He  himself  returned 
post-haste  to  Frederica  to  bring  up  the  rest  of  his  men. 


156     Colonial   Fights  and  Fighters 

Don  Manuel  when  he  heard  of  the  disastrous  defeat 
immediately  sent  out  a  second  and  much  stronger  party 
comprising  one  hundred  grenadiers,  two  hundred  infan 
try,  a  small  squadron  of  horse,  and  a  large  body  of  negro 
troops  and  Indians,  all  under  the  command  of  Don  An 
tonio  Barba,  a  veteran  and  experienced  soldier.  Throw 
ing  out  scouts  and  making  use  of  every  precaution,  they 
marched  up  the  road  to  the  place  held  by  the  detachment 
of  Oglethorpe's  men  and  a  small  body  of  Highlanders. 
Notwithstanding  their  previous  success,  in  some  way  the 
regulars  became  panic-stricken  as  the  Spanish  advance 
appeared  in  the  open,  and  after  exchanging  a  few  futile 
volleys  they  abandoned  the  field  and  withdrew. 

The  retrograde  movement  soon  became  a  rapid  retreat 
and  they  streamed  up  the  road  in  one  of  those  strange 
panics  which  sometimes  seizes  upon  the  best  of  troops. 
A  platoon  of  the  Highlanders  under  Lieutenant  Mackay 
and  a  small  company  of  colonial  Rangers  under  Lieu 
tenant  Sutherland,  brought  up  the  rear.  Fortunately 
they  did  not  share  the  prevailing  fear  of  their  comrades, 
and  after  retreating  a  short  distance  they  resolved  to 
lay  an  ambuscade  for  the  pursuing  Spaniards.  They 
halted,  turned  about,  made  a  detour,  struggled  back 
through  the  woods  until  they  actually  got  in  the  rear  of 
the  Spanish  force  still  advancing  up  the  road.  They 
chose  a  position  where  the  way  narrowed  to  a  width  of 
less  than  twenty  yards  and  bent  into  a  crescent  between 
a  morass  and  the  thick  wood,  and  there  determined  to 
wait  an  opportunity  of  dealing  a  decisive  blow,  not  doubt 
ing  that  the  enemy  would  soon  return. 

Having  learned  something  of  the  dangers  of  the  way 
by  their  previous  disastrous  repulse,  the  Spanish  advance 
had  been  halted  after  a  short  pursuit,  and  as  they  thought 


Oglethorpe  on  St.   Simon's  Island    157 

they  had  dispersed  the  force  before  them  and  as  they  were 
not  strong  enough  to  attack  Frederica,  they  retraced 
their  steps  and  returned  to  the  open  to  make  a  camp. 
They  came  back  slowly,  so  that  the  Georgians  had  ample 
time  to  make  proper  dispositions.  They  carefully  chose 
their  place  and  lay  concealed  in  the  thick  undergrowth 
awaiting  the  enemy.  Presently  the  Spaniards  came 
marching  along  the  road.  As  they  reached  the  spot 
where  the  English  had  been  awaiting  them  and  whence 
the  regulars  had  retreated  in  terror,  imagining  that  no 
enemy  was  anywhere  near  them,  and  considering  them 
selves  protected  by  marsh  and  wood,  they  entered  the 
defile  covered  by  the  guns  of  the  waiting  Scots,  halted, 
dismounted,  stacked  arms  and  prepared  to  repose  and 
rest  under  the  shade  of  the  palmetto  tree. 

The  colonists  had  been  cautioned  by  Mackay,  the 
ranking  officer,  on  no  account  to  fire  until  he  gave  the 
word.  It  was  his  desire  completely  to  surround  the 
Spaniards  before  he  began  the  engagement,  but  a  Span 
ish  horse  happening  to  catch  a  sight  of  a  Highland  bon 
net  through  the  trees  over  the  undergrowth — the  wearer, 
in  disobedience  to  orders,  having  risen  to  get  a  better 
look — shied  violently  and  attracted  the  attention  of  his 
rider  and  he  at  once  gave  the  alarm.  The  Spaniards 
awoke  to  the  peril  of  their  situation  and  sprang  to  their 
arms. 

Concealment  was  at  an  end.  Instantly  the  Highland 
ers  and  Rangers  fired.  The  Spaniards  taken  at  a  great 
disadvantage  and  seeing  the  woods  on  either  side  of  them 
ablaze  with  musketry,  after  a  few  feeble  and  ineffectual 
discharges  by  such  men  as  could  reach  their  weapons, 
turned  to  fly.  The  officers  bravely  tried  to  check  their 
retreat,  but  unavailingly.  Don  Antonio  Barba  was  mor- 


158     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

tally  wounded  and  many  of  the  officers  fell.  The  High 
landers  and  Rangers  burst  out  of  the  woods  and  charged 
upon  the  enemy  with  bayonet  or  claymore  in  hand.  This 
completed  the  rout.  More  than  two  hundred  of  the 
Spanish  party  were  killed  and  wounded  on  the  spot  and 
many  captured  before  they  got  out  of  reach  of  the  little 
party  of  scarcely  more  than  fifty  Highlanders  and 
Rangers. 

Back  on  the  road  advancing  at  the  head  of  the  rest  of 
his  troops,  Oglethorpe  met  the  fleeing  soldiers  of  the 
regiment  and  heard  the  story  of  their  disgraceful  retreat. 
Rallying  the  men  and  putting  an  officer  in  charge  of  them 
with  instructions  to  bring  them  up  at  full  speed,  he  gal 
loped  on  ahead  down  the  road  at  a  great  pace.  He  saw 
of  course  that  the  Highlanders  and  Rangers  were  not 
with  the  rest  of  the  troops,  and  when  he  heard  the  firing 
he  imagined  that  they  had  been,  or  were  being,  cut  down 
and  captured.  The  Spaniards  had  openly  declared  that 
they  would  give  quarter  neither  to  man  nor  woman. 

In  great  anxiety  Oglethorpe  made  his  way  toward  the 
scene  of  the  encounter.  What  was  his  joy  when  he 
reached  the  pass  to  find  that  not  one  of  his  troops  had 
been  touched  and  that  over  two  hundred  of  the  enemy 
lay  dead  and  dying  before  him!  Of  the  remainder  of  the 
Spanish  party  but  few  reached  the  main  camp.  So  fierce 
had  been  the  attack  and  pursuit  of  the  colonists,  that 
most  of  the  Spaniards  had  forsaken  the  road  in  their  blind 
attempts  to  escape.  Those  who  unwittingly  plunged 
into  the  hideous  marsh  of  course  never  succeeded  in  ex 
tricating  themselves  from  its  awful  depths;  while  for  years 
afterward  hunters  ranging  the  woods  would  find  in  lonely 
spots  skeletons  which  told  grim  tales  of  lost  Spaniards 
dying  of  starvation  and  exposure  in  the  savage  wastes 


Oglethorpe  on  St.   Simon's  Island    159 

of  the  forest.  The  encounter  was  called  the  battle 
of  Bloody  Marsh,  and  Oglethorpe  promoted  the  two 
young  officers  who  had  commanded  the  Highlanders  and 
Rangers,  on  the  field.  It  is  noteworthy  that  this  battle 
was  gained  by  the  colonists  alone  after  the  men  of  the 
regiment  recruited  in  England  had  fled  the  field. 

Meanwhile  the  situation  of  the  soldiers  in  the  Spanish 
camp  was  growing  desperate.  Fever  and  dysentery  had 
broken  out,  hundreds  of  the  men  fell  ill,  and  fresh  water 
was  scarce.  They  were  unable  properly  to  care  for  the 
many  wounded  and  ill.  They  had  lost  over  five  hundred 
men  in  the  several  battles.  They  made,  however,  one 
more  attempt  to  capture  the  place,  this  time  by  a  boat 
expedition.  The  attack  was  gallantly  made,  but  they 
were  beaten  off  with  great  loss  by  the  forts  and  the  bat 
teries  at  Frederica.  Several  of  the  Spanish  boats  were 
sunk  and  Oglethorpe,  commanding  the  boats  of  the  place, 
pursued  the  flying  Spaniards  until  he  was  within  range 
of  the  guns  of  their  ships. 

Dissensions  sprang  up  between  them  on  account  of 
these  repeated  failures,  and  the  rivalry  between  the  con 
tingents  from  Cuba  and  Florida  at  last  developed  a  dan 
gerous  degree  of  antagonism  and  discontent.  Learning 
this  situation,  Oglethorpe,  although  the  Spaniards  still 
numbered  over  three  thousand  effectives,  determined  to 
beat  up  their  camp.  For  the  expedition  he  chose  five 
hundred  of  his  best  troops,  notably  the  Highlanders  and 
Rangers,  who  had  done  such  valiant  work  at  Bloody 
Marsh,  and  with  them  advanced  to  the  attack  on  the 
night  of  the  I2th  of  July. 

A  Frenchman  in  the  party,  however,  gave  the  alarm 
to  the  Spaniards  by  firing  his  musket,  and  before  he  could 
be  apprehended  escaped  in  the  darkness  and  made  his 


160     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

way  to  the  Spanish  camp,  in  which  the  men  immediately 
stood  at  their  arms.  Oglethorpe  therefore  had  to  with 
draw.  But  he  turned  the  man's  desertion  to  good  ac 
count.  The  traitor  revealed  to  Don  Manuel  the  feeble 
ness  of  the  garrison  of  Frederica  and  urged  him  to  attack 
it  in  force,  when  the  result  would  be  certain  success. 

The  commander  was  hesitating  when  a  Spaniard,  who 
had  been  taken  by  Oglethorpe  and  who  professed  to  have 
escaped  from  captivity,  was  brought  to  him.  On  his 
person  was  found  a  letter  which  he  confessed  to  have 
agreed  to  deliver  to  the  Frenchman  for  a  sum  of  money 
that  had  been  given  him.  The  English  general  had  writ 
ten  this  letter  to  the  Frenchman  purporting  to  consider 
him  as  his  spy;  and  in  it,  among  other  things,  urged  him 
to  persuade  the  Spaniards  to  remain  in  their  camp  for 
three  days  or  more,  or  until  an  English  fleet  with  two 
thousand  troops  aboard,  then  on  its  way,  should  come 
down  from  Charleston.  He  also  stated  that  Admiral 
Vernon  was  about  to  attack  St.  Augustine  with  another 
fleet.  Oglethorpe  had  bribed  the  prisoner  and  the  letter 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  commander — as  Ogle 
thorpe  knew  it  would — instead  of  being  delivered  to  the 
Frenchman. 

The  ruse  succeeded  perfectly.  Instead  of  the  friend 
whose  advice  was  worth  having  and  who  would  have 
helped  them,  the  Spanish  officers  looked  upon  the 
Frenchman  as  an  English  spy.  They  would  have  hanged 
him  in  spite  of  his  protestations  of  the  falsity  of  Ogle- 
thorpe's  letter,  had  not  Don  Manuel,  who  entertained 
some,  doubt  as  to  the  reports,  interfered  to  save  his  life. 
The  situation  of  the  Spaniards,  however,  was  such  that 
when  word  was  brought  them  that  three  ships — South 
Carolina  scouting  vessels — had  been  seen  in  the  offing, 


Oglethorpe  on  St.    Simon's  Island    161 

supposing  them  to  indicate  the  approach  of  the  English 
fleet,  they  were  filled  with  terror.  Sick,  hungry,  thirsty, 
dispirited,  they  set  fire  to  the  fort  and,  abandoning  large 
quantities  of  stores  and  supplies,  including  their  guns, 
they  piled  aboard  their  ships  and  sailed  away.  There  was 
no  English  fleet  anywhere  near  the  scene  of  action  and 
none  was  coming;  no  ships  were  menacing  St.  Augus 
tine,  either. 

Oglethorpe  at  once  surmised  that  they  would  stop  at 
Fort  William  and  endeavor  to  strike  one  effective  blow 
there.  He  sent  expresses,  therefore,  to  the  young  com 
mander  and  bade  him  hold  out  at  all  hazards.  For  two 
days  Ensign  Stewart  and  sixty  men  sustained  a  vigorous 
attack  from  the  Spaniards,  whom  they  finally  repulsed. 
Oglethorpe  had  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  retreating 
ships  with  his  own  small  vessels  and  annoyed  them  as 
much  as  he  could.  Shortly  after  the  middle  of  July  the 
Spaniards  abandoned  their  expedition  and  the  whole 
armada  left  the  coast,  never  to  return. 

The  celebrated  Whitefield,  who  was  with  Oglethorpe 
at  the  time,  said  of  the  results  of  the  campaign,  "  The  de 
liverance  of  Georgia  is  such  as  cannot  be  paralleled  save 
by  some  of  the  incidents  of  the  Old  Testament."  When 
the  smallness  of  his  force  and  the  overwhelming  strength 
of  the  Spaniards  is  considered,  the  student  of  history  must 
agree  with  the  theologian.  Oglethorpe's  defence  had 
been  brilliant  in  the  extreme.  He  had  saved  the  South 
ern  colonies  from  coming  under  the  evil  of  Spanish  rule. 
Of  the  little  campaign  it  is  not  too  much  to  record,  with 
approval,  the  phrase  which  called  the  narrow  road  be 
tween  the  wood  and  the  marsh  at  Frederica  "  the  Ther 
mopylae  of  America." 

Oglethorpe  returned  to  England  in  1743.  He  lived 
iz 


1 62     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

until  1785,  having  risen  to  the  highest  military  rank  and 
having  survived  all  his  contemporaries.  He  preserved 
his  physical  and  mental  vigor  until  the  very  end.  Like 
the  Law-Giver  of  the  Old  Testament,  his  eye  was  not 
dimmed  nor  his  natural  force  abated  when  he  died.  Wai- 
pole  writes  of  him:  "  His  eyes,  ears,  articulation,  limbs, 
and  memory  would  suit  a  boy,  if  a  boy  could  recollect  a 
century  backward.  His  teeth  are  gone;  he  is  a  shadow 
and  a  wrinkled  one;  but  his  spirits  and  his  spirit  are  in 
full  bloom;  two  years  and  a  half  ago  he  challenged  a 
neighboring  gentleman  for  trespassing  on  his  manor!  " 

Boswell  corroborates  this  testimony  and  says  that  he 
was  "  very  healthy  and  vigorous,  and  was  at  last  carried 
off  by  a  violent  fever.''  In  his  youth  and  early  manhood 
he  was  noted  for  his  handsome  face  and  noble  bearing. 
The  illustration  shows  him  in  his  extreme  old  age.  Then 
he  irresistibly  reminds  us  of  Holmes's  Last  Leaf  upon  the 
Tree. 

"  The  mossy  marbles  rest 
On  the  lips  that  he  has  pressed 

In  their  bloom ; 

And  the  names  he  loved  to  hear 
Have  been  carved  for  many  a  year 

On  the  tomb. 

"  But  now  his  nose  is  thin 
And  it  rests  upon  his  chin 

Like  a  staff  : 

And  a  crook  is  in  his  back, 
And  a  melancholy  crack 

In  his  laugh. " 

But  this  was  a  soldier  once  who  deserved  well  of  his 
country  and  whose  name  and  exploits  should  not  be  for 
gotten  in  the  new  land  his  courage  and  skill  preserved 
from  the  iron  rule  of  the  Spaniard. 


PART  III 
VARIOUS  EARLY  COLONIAL  WARS 

III 

Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg 


PEPPERRELL   AT    LOUISBOURG 

I.    The  Dunkirk  of  America 

THE  extreme  southeastern  boundary  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  is  marked 
out  by  the  island  of  Cape  Breton.  Huge  prom 
ontories,  beetling  cliffs,  massive  indentations  and  broken 
reefs  mark  the  bold  shore  and  make  the  rocky  coast  line 
among  the  most  dangerous  in  the  world.  On  the  south 
side  of  the  island  there  is  a  deep  and  splendid  haven  upon 
the  edge  of  which  now  nestles  a  dilapidated  fishing  vil 
lage.  On  the  peninsula  which  juts  out  toward  the  east 
and  which,  with  a  continuing  line  of  reefs  ending  in  a 
rocky  islet,  encloses  the  spacious  harbor,  are  the  grass- 
covered  mouldering  remains  of  one  of  the  greatest  for 
tresses  of  the  world. 

In  the  year  1744  the  massive  ramparts,  which  had  been 
laid  out  in  accordance  with  those  principles  of  scientific 
fortification  established  by  the  celebrated  Vauban,  en 
closed  the  town  of  Louisbourg.  After  twenty-five  years 
of  labor  and  the  expenditure  of  over  twenty  million  livres 
(between  five  and  six  million  dollars),  they  were  still  un 
completed,  although  even  then  so  formidable  in  character 
as  to  be  practically  impregnable.  It  was  fondly  believed 
that  unfinished  as  they  were,  any  adequate  garrison  could 
successfully  hold  the  works  in  despite  of  any  force  which 
could  be  brought  against  them.* 

*  See  map  on  page  274;  also  inset  map  on  page  290. 
165 


1 66     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Across  the  base  of  the  peninsula  referred  to  as  extend- 
ing  between  sea  and  harbor,  had  been  built  a  line  of 
works  about  twelve  hundred  yards  in  length.  The  glacis 
sloped  gently  up  from  a  vast  marsh  which  prevented 
approach  from  the  landward  side.  Between  it  and  the 
walls  lay  a  ditch  eighty  feet  wide  and  thirty-six  feet  deep. 
On  the  opposite  side  of  this  moat  a  huge  rampart  of  earth 
from  forty  to  sixty  feet  thick,  rose  to  a  height  varying 
between  thirty  and  forty  feet.  It  was  faced  with  ma 
sonry,  defended  by  three  formidable  bastions,  and  sur 
mounted  at  intervals  by  cavaliers,  or  super-imposed 
works  further  to  enfilade  the  wall.  The  bastions  were 
known  as  the  King's  (the  citadel)  in  the  centre  and  the 
Queen's  and  Dauphin's  at  either  end.  The  wall  was  car 
ried  around  the  seaward  and  landward  edges  of  the  penin 
sula,  enclosing  a  wide  triangle,  the  apex  of  which  was 
finished  by  another  huge  bastion  called  the  bastion  Mau- 
repas,  after  the  famous  prime  minister  of  King  Louis 
XV.  Beyond  this  bastion  stretched  an  unprotected 
piece  of  low  ground  used  as  a  cemetery,  which  gradually 
narrowed  into  a  barrier  of  rocky  and  impassable  reefs 
forming  an  excellent  breakwater,  extending  across  the 
bay  and  terminating  in  c,  huge  rock  upon  which  was 
erected  a  powerful  battery  of  thirty  heavy  guns.  This 
formidable  work  which  commanded  the  entrance  to  the 
harbor,  which  was  about  a  half  mile  wide,  was  called  the 
Island  Battery.  Commanding  the  entrance  from  the 
inner  shore  of  the  bay  another  fort  had  been  erected, 
called  the  Grand  or  Royal  Battery,  which  mounted 
twenty-eight  French  thirty-six  pounders  (equivalent  to 
an  English  forty-two),  and  two  long  eighteens.  Thus 
an  enemy's  vessel  attempting  to  enter  the  harbor  would 
be  subjected  to  direct  fire  from  the  Island  and  an  enfilad 
ing  fire  from  the  Grand  Battery. 


Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg         167 

The  main  works  of  the  town  were  pierced  with  one 
hundred  and  forty-eight  embrasures,  though  but  ninety 
guns,  many  of  them  of  large  calibre  including  several 
mortars,  were  mounted  therein.  There  were  a  few  breaks 
in  the  wall  toward  the  sea  where  there  was  no  access  by 
land,  and  an  approach  for  ships  so  difficult  as  to  be  prac 
tically  impossible.  Even  here,  however,  temporary 
works  afforded  sufficient  protection.  Opposite  the 
Island  Battery  a  tower  of  lofty  proportions  from  whose 
summit  a  fire  blazed  nightly,  indicated  to  approaching 
vessels  the  entrance  to  the  harbor.  Access  to  the  town 
from  the  land  was  had  at  the  northwest  corner  of  the 
base  wall,  over  a  causeway  and  bridge  which  was  pro 
tected  by  a  circular  battery  of  eighteen  cannon  covered 
by  the  Dauphin  bastion. 

The  various  works  were  garrisoned  by  eight  com 
panies  of  regular  soldiers,  three  of  which  were  Swiss 
mercenaries.  The  force  was  supported  by  some  four 
teen  hundred  Canadian  militia.  In  quality  the  defenders 
were  deficient.  The  commandant  and  his  second  were 
irresolute  and  vacillating,  the  troops  unpaid  and  badly 
treated.  They  had  been  compelled  to  work  on  the  forti 
fications  without  extra  compensation,  their  regular  pay 
was  long  in  arrears,  and  official  peculation,  the  curse  of 
New  France,  had  deprived  them  of  their  legitimate  per 
quisites  and  comforts.  A  short  time  before  the  invest 
ment  they  had  broken  out  in  open  mutiny  and  had  been 
persuaded  to  return  to  their  duties  with  the  greatest  diffi 
culty.  The  spirit  of  the  peasants,  traders,  and  other  in 
habitants  was  not  much  better.  The  folly  of  France  in 
allowing  such  conditions  to  obtain  in  the  place  upon 
which  so  much  had  been  lavished,  and  which  was  deemed 
of  such  importance,  is  apparent.  Aside  from  the  fortifi- 


1 68     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

cations  and  harbor,  the  place  had  little  value;  the 
inhabitants  were  poor  and  their  dwellings  mean. 

By  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  in  1713,  which 
closed  the  long  wars  of  Louis  XIV,  England  retained 
possession  of  Nova  Scotia  (Acadia),  and  France,  with 
a  prompt  appreciation  of  its  importance  under  the 
changed  conditions,  immediately  began  fortifying  this 
strategic  point  on  Cape  Breton  Island.  Louisbourg  was 
the  only  naval  depot  held  by  the  French  on  the  continent 
of  North  America.  It  commanded  the  St.  Lawrence 
River,  afforded  a  safe  harbor  of  refuge  for  fleets,  an  ex 
cellent  base  for  future  naval  operations  against  the  Eng 
lish  colonies,  and  was  an  advantageous  point  of  departure 
for  possible  privateers.  For  that  reason  in  war  times  it 
became  known  as  the  Dunkirk  of  America. 

The  long  peace  between  England  and  France  was 
broken  in  the  year  1744  by  a  war,  which  may  be  regarded 
as  a  phase  of  the  Second  Silesian  war.  The  unscrupulous 
ambition  of  Frederick  the  Great  and  the  resolute  de 
termination  of  Maria  Theresa  to  protest  by  force  of  arms 
against  his  unjust  aggression,  which  plunged  Europe 
into  a  quarter  of  a  century  of  dire  conflict,  finally  involved 
England  and  France  in  a  struggle  for  supremacy  lasting 
many  years.  Though  the  long  period  was  marked  by 
intervals  of  feverish  peace,  the  conflict  did  not  end  until 
France,  ruined  at  sea  at  Trafalgar,  was  finally  crushed  on 
land  at  Waterloo.  The  two  greatest  results  of  these  wars 
from  our  point  of  view  were,  first,  the  loss  to  France  of 
all  of  her  American  possessions,  and,  second,  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States.  The  first  Anglo-French 
war  of  the  period  was  terminated  by  the  peace  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  in  1748  and  the  principal  interest  of  the  war 
centred  about  this  fortified  point  on  the  iron-bound 


Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg         169 

shore  of  Cape  Breton;  for  one  of  the  most  audacious 
conceptions  that  ever  entered  the  brain  of  man  had  re 
sulted  in  the  capture  of  the  tremendous  fortress. 


II.    An  Impossible  Proposition 

When  the  news  of  the  declaration  of  war  was  received 
by  Du  Quesnel,  the  governor  of  Louisbourg,  he  imme 
diately  despatched  a  force  to  capture  the  fisheries  at 
Canso  in  Nova  Scotia,  and  having  succeeded  in  the  en 
terprise,  he  sent  forth  a  larger  expedition  under  Du 
Vivier,  his  best  subordinate — his  only  good  one  by  the 
way — to  take  Port  Royal,  or  Annapolis,  the  principal 
English  stronghold  in  Nova  Scotia.  The  expedition 
failed  in  the  end.  The  news  of  these  attacks  was  at  once 
carried  down  the  coast  until  it  reached  the  ear  of  the 
versatile  William  Shirley,  the  governor  of  Massachusetts. 
Shirley,  a  capable  English  barrister,  was  an  able  and  am 
bitious  lawyer  and  administrator,  an  author  of  tragedies 
in  a  small  way,  and  believed  himself  to  be  a  born  soldier 
of  a  high  order.  He  immediately  projected  it  is  said  at 
the  instance  of  William  Vaughan  of  Damariscotta,  a  re 
turn  stroke  in  the  capture  of  the  redoubtable  fortress  of 
Louisbourg.  Vaughan  was  a  bold,  impetuous  man  of 
wealth  and  prominence,  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts 
General  Court  and  interested  in  the  fishing  industry,  and 
therefore  doubly  inimical  to  Louisbourg  as  a  standing 
menace  to  the  profitable  fishing  of  the  Grand  Banks. 
Having  with  difficulty  won  over  the  Massachusetts  Gen 
eral  Assembly  to  acquiesce  in  his  scheme,  by  a  majority 
of  one — only  obtained  it  is  said  by  the  opportune  break 
ing  of  a  leg  of  one  of  the  opposition  which  kept  him  at 
home  when  the  final  vote  was  taken — Shirley,  with  char- 


1 70     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

acteristic  courage  and  zeal,  prepared  to  carry  out  the 
expedition. 

The  grotesque  audacity  of  the  enterprise  is  apparent 
when  we  reflect  that,  save  for  a  few  old  Indian  fighters 
and  some  inconsequent  remnants  of  the  disastrous  Carta 
gena  expedition,  there  was  not  a  single  professional  sol 
dier  in  the  colonies  at  the  time;  that  there  were  no  regu 
lar  troops,  no  trained  officers,  no  experienced  veterans, 
no  naval  force,  and  that  Massachusetts  was  entirely  bank 
rupt,  its  paper  practically  worthless. 

The  prime  movers  of  the  expedition  had  so  little  idea 
of  the  magnitude  of  their  undertaking,  that  it  was  gravely 
proposed  to  advance  upon  Louisbourg  in  the  midst  of 
winter  when  the  depths  of  the  snow  which  would  probably 
be  piled  up  around  the  ramparts  would  enable  them  to 
attack  at  once  and,  by  swarming  over  the  walls,  capture 
the  city!  When  they  finally  set  forth,  Shirley's  detailed 
plan  for  surprising  the  town  when  the  garrison  was  asleep, 
was  scarcely  less  absurd  than  this  winter  proposition. 
However,  just  because  nobody  realized  the  nature  of  the 
attempt,  everybody  entered  upon  the  affair  with  light- 
hearted  zeal.  It  is  a  maxim  in  war  that  green  troops 
will  attempt  that  impossibility  from  which  the  experi 
enced  veteran  recoils,  and  this  enterprise  evidenced  the 
soundness  of  the  maxim. 

Massachusetts  sent  about  thirty-three  hundred  men, 
Connecticut  five  hundred,  and  New  Hampshire  the  same 
number,  a  part  of  whom  were  paid  by  the  bankrupt  but 
enthusiastic  colony  of  Massachusetts.  New  York  lent 
to  the  expedition  some  eighteen  cannon  of  assorted  sizes 
and  qualities.  The  other  colonies  gave  their  good-will 
and  their  prayers  and  nothing  else.  Cautious  Rhode 
Island  did  enlist  a  number  of  men  for  the  purpose,  but 


Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg         171 

waiting  too  long  to  see  which  way  the  "  cat  would  jump  " 
the  contingent  did  not  arrive  until  after  the  siege  was 
over.  Including  the  guns  from  New  York,  the  artillery 
train  of  the  army  comprised  thirty-four  cannon  and  mor 
tars,  the  largest  being  a  twenty-two  pounder.  With 
ignorant  audacity,  they  counted  upon  making  up  a 
proper  train  of  siege  guns  by  taking  them  from  the 
French,  and  by  Shirley's  orders  they  carried  with  them  a 
large  quantity  of  ammunition  and  balls  for  the  forty-two 
pounders.  About  ninety  transports  were  easily  assem 
bled,  consisting  of  fishing  and  coastwise  trading  vessels, 
the  war  having  broken  up  the  fisheries  and  destroyed 
trade.  These  were  convoyed  by  a  dozen  armed  vessels 
belonging  to  the  navies  of  the  separate  colonies,  assem 
bled  for  the  purpose. 

Shirley  placed  the  naval  force  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Edward  Tyng,  of  Massachusetts,  who  had  dis 
played  his  courage  and  capacity  by  recently  capturing  a 
French  privateer  which  greatly  outclassed  his  own  ship. 
His  flagship  was  the  frigate  Massachusetts,  of  twenty- 
four  guns.  Captain  John  Rous,  another  hardy  New 
England  sailor,  commanded  the  Shirley  Galley,  a  ship  of 
twenty  guns,  and  the  other  war-vessels  except  the  Ccesar, 
of  twenty  guns,  were  of  less  force. 

The  army  was  commanded  by  one  William  Pepperrell, 
a  prosperous  and  enterprising  merchant  of  Kittery, 
Maine,  one  of  the  richest  and  most  influential  men  in  the 
colonies.  The  son  of  a  Welsh  immigrant  who  had  made 
a  fortune  by  trade,  shipbuilding  and  fishing,  he  was  a 
man  of  great  native  shrewdness  and  capacity,  who  had 
been  reasonably  well  educated,  having  gone  so  far  as  to 
study  surveying  and  navigation,  though  like  many  other 
men  of  his  time  he  seems  to  have  prosecuted  these  studies 


172     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

to  the  neglect  of  the  gentle  art  of  spelling.  Although  a 
colonel  of  militia,  when  appointed  lieutenant  general  of 
this  expedition,  he  had  enjoyed  no  military  experience 
whatever.  Nobody  in  the  army  had  for  that  matter. 
Courage,  energy,  tact,  good  nature  and  good  sense  he 
had  in  plenty,  and  he  was  popular  with  the  army,  a  first 
requisite  under  the  circumstances.  The  second  in  com 
mand  was  Major  General  Roger  Walcott,  of  Connecti 
cut. 

The  army  was  recruited  from  large  numbers  of  unem 
ployed  fishermen  in  the  seacoast  towns,  who  carefully 
took  with  them  their  cod  lines  in  addition  to  their  fire 
locks,  from  hardy  farmers,  substantial  mechanics  and  dar 
ing  frontiersmen.  The  most  singular  contingent,  how 
ever,  was  a  goodly  company  of  preachers.  The  famous 
Whitefield  furnished  a  motto  for  the  flag  in  the  following 
words,  Nil  desperandum  Christo  duce,  and  to  the  stern 
Puritans  of  New  England,  the  fact  that  their  foes  were 
Papists,  whom  they  hated  with  the  proverbial  intensity 
of  the  children  of  Plymouth  Rock,  lent  to  the  whole  af 
fair  something  of  the  nature  of  a  crusade.  It  was  that 
religious  spirit  which  lifted  the  undertaking  above  the 
level  of  the  opera  bouffe.  Not  only  every  regiment,  but 
many  companies,  enjoyed  the  services  of  a  chaplain. 

Even  Shirley  himself  was  sensible  that  as  a  military 
performance  the  enterprise  was  more  or  less  of  a  farce. 
He  proposed,  however,  to  avert  all  disaster,  by  giving 
from  his  house  in  Boston,  before  the  departure,  such 
minute  directions  as  would  provide  for  every  emergency 
and  suffice  for  every  contingency  in  order  to  ensure  the 
success  of  the  enterprise.  These  orders  were  actually 
drawn  up  and  constitute  a  unique  military  document, 
a  monument  to  the  industry  of  the  indefatigable  gov- 


Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg         173 

ernor,  if  nothing  else.  As  his  naval  contingent  was  so 
insignificant  he  despatched  a  swift  sailing  vessel  to  Com 
modore  Peter  Warren,  the  Commander  of  the  British 
forces  in  the  West  Indies,  requesting  his  cooperation. 
Warren  had  married  an  American  woman  and  owning 
large  tracts  of  land  in  the  colonies  was  much  interested 
in  promoting  their  welfare. 

On  the  24th  of  March,  1745,  the  fleet  set  sail  from 
Nantasket  Roads,  and  after  a  very  hazardous  and  stormy 
passage,  arrived  early  in  April  at  the  harbor  of  Canso, 
which  they  promptly  took  possession  of.  There  are 
numerous  interesting  contemporary  accounts  of  the  ex 
pedition  in  the  shape  of  diaries,  letters  and  sermons, 
which  show  that  Pepperrell  was  not  alone  in  the  army 
in  his  contempt  for  orthography.  One  of  them  refers  to 
the  passage  in  the  following  terms:  "  But  not  haveing  a 
good  Pilate  suffered  verry  much  att  sea."  Shade  of  the 
Procurator! 

Arrived  at  Canso  they  found  that  the  harbor  of  Louis 
bourg  and  the  adjacent  shores  where  they  proposed  to 
land  were  blocked  with  masses  of  ice,  and  they  were 
forced  to  remain  inactive  for  some  three  weeks.  They 
passed  the  time  in  drilling  and  drinking,  preaching  and 
playing.  Meanwhile,  Tyng,  Rous,  and  the  other  colonial 
captains  established  a  strict  blockade  of  the  harbor  with 
the  privateers.  It  required  no  mean  skill  and  seaman 
ship  on  the  part  of  these  New  England  privateersmen  to 
maintain  an  efficient  blockade  on  such  a  coast  and  keep 
off  the  dangerous  lee  shore. 

On  the  1 8th  of  the  same  month,  the  colonists  en 
camped  at  Canso,  were  surprised  by  the  sound  of  heavy 
cannonading  to  seaward.  It  seems  that  the  French 
frigate  Renommte,  32,  then  commanded  by  the  distin- 


174     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

guished  Comte  de  Kersaint,  who  lost  his  life  and  his  ship 
subsequently  while  heroically  fighting  against  the  great 
Lord  Hawke  at  the  famous  night  battle  in  the  storm  at 
Quiberon  Bay,  had  been  sent  by  the  French  Government, 
which  had  heard  of  the  expedition,  with  despatches  and 
supplies  to  Louisbourg.  The  Renommee  first  fell  in  with 
the  Shirley  Galley,  which  promptly  engaged  her.  Cap 
tain  Rous  made  so  gallant  a  fight  with  his  little  ship  that 
he  held  the  heavy  frigate  off  until  the  Massachusetts  and 
some  of  the  other  privateers  came  within  range.  The 
Renommee  was  brilliantly  fought  and  manoeuvred  by  her 
able  captain,  but  the  delay  caused  by  the  superb  fighting 
of  the  Shirley  Galley  enabled  the  other  ships  to  close  and 
de  Kersaint  was  forced  to  abandon  his  attempt  to  enter 
the  harbor,  and  turn  back  to  France.  He  led  the  priva 
teers  a  long  chase  and  by  a  gallant  fight  finally  escaped 
from  their  overwhelming  force.  A  day  later  he  fell  in 
with  a  belated  squadron  of  transports,  convoyed  by  sev 
eral  small  privateers  and  with  them  he  sustained  another 
severe  engagement  in  which,  however,  he  effected  noth 
ing,  as  the  convoy  all  got  in  safely. 

On  the  22nd  of  April,  a  heavy  frigate  flying  the  Eng 
lish  flag  came  into  the  harbor.  It  was  the  Elthan,  40,  the 
first  ship  of  Commodore  Warren's  squadron.  In  the 
absence  of  orders  the  commodore  had  at  first  refused  to 
leave  his  station,  but  having  received  word  from  Eng 
land,  after  his  refusal,  that  he  should  cooperate  with  the 
colonists,  he  had  gathered  such  ships  as  he  could  and  set 
sail  for  Boston.  Having  learned  from  a  Massachusetts 
schooner  he  overhauled  that  the  expedition  had  sailed, 
he  changed  his  course  and  came  direct  to  Louisbourg. 
On  the  23rd  of  April,  the  rest  of  the  squadron,  comprising 
the  Suferbe,  60,  Launceston,  40,  and  Mermaid,  40,  arrived 


Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg         175 

at  Canso.  After  consulting  with  Pepperrell  the  Com 
modore  immediately  sailed  to  assume  charge  of  the 
blockade,  the  colonial  ships,  by  Pepperrell's  orders,  being 
put  under  his  command. 

III.    The  Siege  and  Capture 

Toward  the  last  of  April,  the  ice  having  broken,  and 
the  harbors  being  open,  the  weather  mild  and  pleasant, 
the  army  embarked  on  the  shipping  and  beat  up  toward 
Louisbourg.  On  the  morning  of  Saturday,  the  3Oth,  a 
landing  was  effected  in  Gabarus  Bay,  which  Pepperrell 
managed  with  great  skill.  The  privateers  ranged  along 
the  shore  poured  a  furious  fire  upon  the  exposed  places 
to  the  west  of  the  town.  The  regiments  embarked  in 
the  boats  of  the  fleet  which  were  directed  toward  Flat 
Rock  Point.  Du  Chambon,  who  had  succeeded  to  the 
command  of  the  place  on  the  death  of  Du  Quesnel  a  short 
time  before,  sent  Captain  Morepain,  a  French  privateers- 
man,  with  eighty  men  to  oppose  the  landing.  The  boats 
pulled  vigorously  toward  the  shore,  but  when  almost 
within  musket  range  suddenly  turned  to  the  left  and 
dashed  toward  a  little  sand-beached  bay  formed  by  the 
mouth  of  a  river,  which  offered  easy  access  to  the  shore. 
Wolfe  landed  there  years  after.  Morepain  and  his  men 
made  for  the  same  spot,  but  as  they  had  to  traverse  the 
large  arc  of  a  circle,  while  the  boats  had  a  much  shorter 
distance  to  go  in  a  straight  line,  the  advance  guard  was 
able  to  make  a  landing,  before  the  French  party  ap 
peared.  When  they  did  come  in  touch,  however,  they 
attacked  with  great  spirit,  but  were  beaten  off  with  severe 
loss  by  the  constantly  increasing  numbers  of  the  Ameri 
cans.  They  thereupon  retired  to  the  town.  Advance 


1 76      Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

parties  were  immediately  sent  out  by  Pepperrell,  to  cover 
the  landing  of  the  rest  of  the  army  which  occupied  several 
days;  the  troops  lying  at  night  upon  the  ground  very 
much  exposed  and  without  cover.  Fortunately  the 
weather  then  and  during  the  whole  of  the  siege  con 
tinued  unusually  mild  and  agreeable. 

On  the  second  day  after  the  landing  Pepperrell  de 
tached  the  irrepressible  Vaughan  with  some  four  hun 
dred  men  to  advance  through  the  woods,  pass  round  the 
town  and  destroy  the  valuable  storehouses  in  the  rear  of 
the  Grand  Battery.  The  expedition  met  with  no  oppo 
sition  and  Pepperrell  was  apprised  of  its  success  by  vast 
columns  of  smoke  which  rose  from  the  burning  build 
ings. 

The  next  morning,  May  3rd,  with  but  thirteen  men, 
Vaughan  made  a  reconnaissance  of  the  Grand,  or  Royal, 
Battery.  As  the  little  party  approached  they  discovered 
no  signs  of  life  and  it  appeared  to  the  Americans  that  the 
battery  had  been  abandoned.  Unable  to  credit  the  testi 
mony  of  their  eyes,  they  hesitated  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
battery  for  some  time,  and  Vaughan  finally  bribed  an 
Indian,  by  the  proffer  of  a  whiskey  flask  which  he  had  in 
his  pocket — possibly  for  just  such  emergencies,  for  he  is 
careful  to  tell  us  that  he  did  not  drink  himself — to  enter 
the  fort.  The  Indian  was  drunk  enough  to  be  reckless 
and  with  his  courage  further  stimulated  by  Vaughan's 
whiskey,  he  crawled  into  the  battery  and  found  that  it 
was  indeed  deserted.  The  French  in  cowardly  panic  at 
the  sight  of  the  burning  buildings,  had  hauled  down  their 
flag  .and  fled  to  the  city  after  hastily  spiking  their  guns. 
When  the  rest  of  the  party  entered  the  fort,  William 
Tufts,  an  eighteen-year-old  Massachusetts  boy,  climbed 
up  the  flagstaff  and  fastened  his  red  coat  to  the  top  in 


Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg          177 

lieu  of  a  British  ensign.  The  French  greeted  him  with 
a  general  discharge  of  artillery  which  did  no  damage. 
Vaughan  immediately  despatched  a  messenger  to  Pep 
perrell  informing  him  of  the  capture  in  the  following  tell 
ing  words: 

"  May  it  please  your  Honor  to  be  informed  that  by 
the  grace  of  God  and  the  courage  of  13  men,  I  entered 
the  Royal  Battery  about  9  o'clock,  and  am  waiting  for  a 
reinforcement  and  a  flag." 

Meanwhile,  the  French,  in  four  boats,  repenting  of 
their  panic,  returned  to  reoccupy  the  fort.  The  dauntless 
Vaughan  with  his  thirteen  devoted  men  stood  on  the 
open  beach  in  plain  view  (why  they  did  not  occupy  the 
fort  is  hard  to  understand),  and  under  the  fire  of  the 
French  guns  from  the  town  and  Island  batteries,  and 
beat  back  by  the  accuracy  of  their  fire,  the  boats  "filled 
with  Frenchmen.  They  succeeded  in  maintaining  their 
ground  until  reinforcements  arrived,  making  the  capture 
secure. 

This  may  be  considered  as  the  determining  event  of 
the  siege  and  it  was  the  one  detail  of  Shirley's  astonish 
ing  plan  which  was  successfully  carried  out.  The  be 
siegers  found  themselves  in  possession  of  a  number  of 
heavy  guns  of  the  latest  and  most  approved  pattern. 
The  spiking  had  been  done  so  carelessly  that  Major  Seth 
Pomeroy,  who  was  a  gunsmith  by  trade,  was  able  to  ex 
tricate  the  files  from  the  "  tutch  holes  "  without  diffi 
culty.  A  notable  man  this  Pomeroy.  Says  Parkman: 

"  On  board  one  of  the  transports  was  Seth  Pomeroy, 
gunsmith  at  Northampton,  and  now  major  of  Willard's 
Massachusetts  regiment.  He  had  a  turn  for  soldiering, 

19 


178     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

and  fought,  ten  years  later,  in  the  battle  of  Lake  George. 
Again,  twenty  years  later  still,  when  Northampton  was 
astir  with  rumors  of  war  from  Boston,  he  borrowed  a 
neighbor's  horse,  rode  a  hundred  miles,  reached  Cam 
bridge  on  the  morning  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  left 
his  borrowed  horse  out  of  the  way  of  harm,  walked  over 
Charlestown  Neck,  the  scene  of  action  as  the  British  were 
forming  for  the  attack.  When  Israel  Putman,  his  com 
rade  in  the  last  war,  saw  from  the  rebel  breast  work  the 
old  man  striding,  gun  in  hand,  he  shouted,  '  By  God, 
Pomeroy,  you  here!  A  cannon  shot  would  waken  you 
out  of  your  grave ! ' 

In  their  hasty  evacuation  the  French  had  failed  to  de 
stroy  the  munitions  of  war  in  the  battery  and  the  New 
Englanders  found  themselves  in  possession  of  what  they 
quaintly  describe  as  "  Sume  Bums,"  which  the  "  Buma- 
neers  "  of  the  army  put  to  good  use  in  bombarding  the 
town.  A  very  good  attempt  at  phonetic  spelling  that, 
for  a  man  who  disguised  the  familiar  word  shillings  as 
"SheLins!" 

The  English  forty-two  pound  balls  just  fitted  the  capt 
ured  guns  and  they  immediately  began  to  play  upon  the 
town  with  great  effect.  The  morass  which  extended 
from  the  landing  place  to  the  wall  of  the  fort  rendered 
it  impossible  to  draw  the  guns,  which  the  army  had 
brought  with  them  and  landed  from  the  transports,  over 
the  ground  in  the  usual  way.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Mes- 
erve,  who  happened  to  be  a  carpenter,  improvised  great 
flat  sledges  upon  which  the  cannon  were  placed.  Some 
two  hundred  men  were  attached  to  each  sledge  by  breast 
straps  and  ropes  and  the  guns  were  dragged  over  the 
marshes  until  they  could  be  mounted  in  the  five  batteries 
which  were  opened  near  the  town.  The  guns  from  the 


Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg         179 

Grand  Battery,  which  had  been  captured  so  easily,  were 
distributed  among  these  several  batteries,  and  a  furious 
fire  was  poured  upon  and  returned  from  the  French 
works.  The  diaries  are  full  of  the  roaring  of  cannon,  the 
exploding  of  the  "  Bums  "  or  "  Bumbs  "  as  the  word  is 
indifferently  spelled! 

There  was  a  woful  lack  of  competent  artillerists  in  the 
besieging  force  and  Commodore  Warren,  at  the  request 
of  Pepperrell,  sent  several  veteran  gunners  ashore  to 
teach  the  New  Englanders,  but  in  spite  of  the  instruction 
they  received,  through  their  careless  and  reckless  hand 
ling  of  the  guns,  several  of  them  burst  with  dire  conse 
quences  to  the  amateur  cannoneers.  The  besiegers  and 
the  town  kept  up  a  continuous  fire  upon  each  other,  but 
the  effect  was  felt  more  by  those  in  the  town  than  by 
those  outside.  Every  house  within  the  walls  was  unten 
able.  Many  were  destroyed  and  set  on  fire.  To  escape 
from  the  deadly  fire,  the  miserable  inhabitants  were  forced 
to  take  to  the  casemates,  where  they  dragged  out  a 
wretched  existence.  Provisions  became  scarce  and  pow 
der  scarcer.  Their  condition  became  critical.  The  New 
Englanders  steadily  advanced  their  batteries,  and  al 
though  entirely  ignorant  of  the  art  of  making  trenches 
and  opening  parallels,  succeeded  in  demolishing  the  cir 
cular  battery  opposite  the  gate,  dismounted  many  of  the 
guns  on  the  walls  and  began  to  make  serious  breaches 
therein.  Their  intrenchments  were  absurd,  but  the 
French  made  no  sortie.  Perhaps  the  commander  was 
afraid  to  use  his  mutinous  troops  outside  the  walls. 

Meanwhile  the  condition  of  the  besiegers  was  scarcely 
more  happy.  Their  powder,  so  lavishly  expended,  was 
running  perilously  low  and  the  soldiers  had  suffered  great 
hardships  on  account  of  the  lack  of  everything  which  goes 


i8o     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

to  make  up  the  proper  equipment  of  an  army.  They 
kept  up  their  cheerfulness,  however,  with  creditable  zeal, 
and  tenaciously  clung  to  their  endeavor,  amusing  them 
selves  by  pitching  quoits,  shooting  at  a  mark,  wrestling, 
and  generally  having  a  good  time  when  not  actually  at 
work  in  the  batteries.  At  one  period  over  fifteen  hundred 
men  were  on  the  sick  list  at  once,  most  of  whom  subse 
quently  recovered.  The  diaries  abound  with  interesting 
and  amusing  incidents  of  the  siege.  One  of  the  officers 
gravely  records  that  "  One  of  ye  Genls  Died  who  went 
into  an  House  To  plunder  and  killed  himself  with  drink." 
During  the  siege  a  French  captain  was  made  prisoner 
and  his  death  is  thus  recounted  by  another  chronicler: 
"  The  French  Capt.  Died  this  Day  that  was  wounded  & 
taken  ye  17  Day,  he  offered  Ten  Thousand  Pounds  for  a 
fryar  to  Pardon  his  Sins  before  he  died  and  I  would  have 
done  it  my  Self  as  well  as  any  fryar  or  Priest  Living  for 
1-2  ye  money."  What  a  lost  opportunity  to  turn  a  few 
honest  pounds! 

So  impressed  were  Pepperrell's  men  with  their  prowess 
that  early  in  the  siege,  on  the  7th  of  May,  they  sent  a 
summons  to  Du  Chambon  demanding  an  unconditional 
surrender,  to  which  the  French  commander  replied  that 
the  only  answer  he  could  make  to  such  a  demand  would 
be  delivered  from  the  mouth  of  his  guns !  A  council  of 
war  held  to  consider  this  doughty  reply,  determined  to 
carry  the  fortifications  by  storm  and  "  laders  and  Fa 
Sheene's  "  (fascines)  were  prepared  for  the  purpose.  The 
day  brought  prudence,  however,  and  it  was  a  good  thing 
for  the  final  success  of  the  expedition  that  at  the  last 
moment  wiser  counsels  prevailed,  for  at  that  date  the 
attempt  certainly  would  have  resulted  in  disaster,  so  the 
cannonade  was  vigorously  resumed. 


The   Capture   of  the   Grand   Battery 


Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg         181 

As  a  French  merchant  ship  had  succeeded  in  running 
the  blockade  and  entering  the  harbor,  the  mouth  of  which 
was  commanded  by  the  Island  Battery,  Pepperrell  de 
termined  that  the  next  step  undertaken  should  be  the 
capture  of  this  battery,  mounting  thirty  guns,  seven 
swivels  and  two  mortars  and  garrisoned  by  one  hundred 
and  eighty  men.  The  dashing  Vaughan,  elated  with  his 
success  at  the  Royal  Battery,  offered  to  undertake  the 
capture  with  a  couple  of  hundred  men.  Volunteers  were 
called  for,  but  the  party  which  assembled  for  the  purpose, 
with  the  democratic  notions  which  prevailed  in  the  army 
discarded  Vaughan  and  elected  one  of  their  own  number, 
named  Brooks,  to  take  charge.  Several  attempts  were 
projected  which  were  hindered  by  weather  conditions, 
but  finally  on  the  26th  of  May,  some  four  hundred  and 
fifty  men  in  a  number  of  boats  made  the  attempt. 

In  order  to  effect  a  surprise  the  boatmen  discarded 
their  oars  and  softly  paddled  the  boats  over  to  the  Island. 
The  surf  was  breaking  heavily  upon  the  only  practicable 
landing  place  and  it  was  found  impossible  to  land  more 
than  three  boats  at  a  time.  The  landing  was  effected 
without  hindrance,  however,  but  when  about  a  third  of 
the  attacking  force  had  been  drawn  up  on  the  beach, 
someone  proposed  three  cheers,  which  were  given  with 
such  a  will  that  they  awakened  the  Frenchmen,  who 
sprang  to  arms  and  poured  a  deadly  fire  upon  them, 
which  was  promptly  returned.  Probably  the  enthusiast 
who  gave  the  alarm  was  drunk — the  diaries  are  replete 
with  statements  that  so  and  so  was  drunk — for  although 
the  matter  had  assumed  the  appearance  of  a  crusade, 
there  was  probably  as  much  New  England  rum  in  the 
commissary  stores  as  anything  else.  Rum,  Puritanism, 
and  Religion  went  hand  in  hand. 


1 82      Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Several  more  boatloads  landed  on  the  Island,  but  the 
great  guns  from  the  fort  sunk  some  of  the  remaining 
boats  with  their  crews  and  drove  off  the  rest.  When 
the  morning  broke  there  was  nothing  left  for  the  shore 
party,  cut  off  from  its  retreat  by  the  defeat  of  the  boats, 
but  to  surrender,  which  they  accordingly  did.  The  total 
loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and  taken  in  the  expedition 
amounted  to  something  under  two  hundred  men.  This 
was  the  only  French  success  and  the  garrison  were  much 
elated  thereby. 

The  undertaking  having  failed,  Pepperrell  determined 
to  land  a  party  on  Lighthouse  Point,  erect  a  battery  and 
thence  attack  the  Island.  There  was  a  young  civil  engi 
neer  in  the  army  named  Richard  Gridley,  who  undertook 
the  work,  though  he  had  no  military  experience.  What 
he  learned  in  this  campaign  stood  his  countrymen  in 
good  stead  years  after,  for  it  was  he  who  traced  the  line 
of  earthwork  for  that  midnight  party  under  Prescott, 
which  threw  up  the  first  American  intrenchments  on 
Breed's  Hill  in  1775.  The  battery  was  soon  in  working 
order  and  poured  such  a  concentrated  fire  upon  the  Island 
Battery  that  its  guns  were  dismounted  or  destroyed. 
The  condition  of  the  French  was  now  desperate,  and  Du 
Chambon  at  last  resolved  upon  a  sortie.  He  sent  the 
Sieur  de  Beaubassin  with  a  chosen  party  of  troops  who 
were  joined  by  eighty  Indians,  to  attack  the  lighthouse 
battery.  They  were  met  by  the  New  Englanders  while 
still  in  the  woods,  defeated  with  heavy  loss  and  driven 
back  to  their  boats,  carrying  with  them  a  badly  wounded 
commander. 

Meanwhile  France  had  made  another  effort  to  relieve 
the  town.  The  ship-of-the-line  Vigilant,  sixty-four  guns, 
and  commanded  by  the  Marquis  de  la  Maisonfort,  had 


Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg         183 

been  filled  with  four  months'  supply  of  provisions,  one 
thousand  barrels  of  powder,  twenty  brass  guns  and  three 
hundred  soldiers  and  despatched  to  Cape  Breton.  On 
the  i Qth  of  May  the  Vigilant  sighted  the  blockading 
squadron.  Instead  of  running  directly  for  the  harbor, 
disregarding  everything  else,  when  the  chances  are  that 
he  could  have  relieved  the  town,  Maisonfort  turned  aside 
from  his  path  and  attacked  the  Shirley  Galley.  That 
little  vessel,  as  usual,  made  a  stout  resistance  and  by  a 
running  fight  drew  the  rash  Frenchmen  into  the  midst  of 
the  English  blockading  squadron,  where  after  an  heroic 
defence  and  loss  of  eighty  killed  and  a  large  number 
wounded,  Maisonfort  was  compelled  to  strike  his  flag. 
The  loss  of  the  powder  was  fatal  to  French  hopes  and 
the  capture  replenished  Pepperrell's  depleted  magazines. 
The  Vigilant  was  refitted,  manned  by  six  hundred  New 
Englanders  and  added  to  Warren's  fleet,  which  had  been 
reenforced  from  time  to  time  by  the  arrival  of  several 
English  ships.  By  a  ruse  sometime  after,  the  besieging 
party  found  means  to  acquaint  Du  Chambon  of  the  capt 
ure  of  this  ship  and  with  it  perished  the  last  hope  of  the 
French.  They  held  on  desperately  for  some  time  longer, 
however,  hoping  for  the  arrival  of  a  relieving  fleet. 

Warren  was  getting  very  impatient  over  the  slow  prog 
ress  of  the  siege  and  finally  proposed  to  enter  the  harbor 
with  his  ships  while  the  army  attempted  to  storm  the 
town.  Preparations  were  made  to  carry  out  his  bold  plan 
when  on  June  I5th,  the  French  drums  were  heard  from 
their  dismantled  works  beating  a  parley.  On  the  i6th 
of  June,  1/45,  the  great  fortress  actually  capitulated  to 
this  assemblage  of  farmers  and  fishermen,  led  by  a  lum 
ber  merchant,  and  Pepperrell  had  the  satisfaction  of  re 
ceiving  the  keys  of  Louisbourg  in  his  hand.  The  incred- 


184     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

ible  had  happened.  The  credit  of  it  all  was  due  to  Shirley 
and  Pepperrell,  though  the  enterprise  which  the  one 
planned  and  the  other  carried  out  would  not  have  suc 
ceeded  had  it  not  been  for  the  efficient  blockade  main 
tained  by  Warren  and  his  ships. 

The  King  was  properly  grateful.  He  created  Pepper 
rell  a  baronet  and  made  him  a  colonel  in  the  English 
army.  Shirley  was  also  made  a  colonel  of  a  regiment  and 
Warren  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  admiral.  Gallant 
Captain  Rous  of  the  Shirley  Galley  was  given  a  commis 
sion  of  post  captain  in  the  Royal  Navy.  The  siege  had 
been  a  picturesque  affair,  grotesque  and  amusing  when 
looked  at  from  a  distance,  but  real  and  earnest  enough  to 
the  participants.  Pepperrell  deserved  all  he  got;  he  had 
spent  over  ten  thousand  pounds  of  his  own  money  in  the 
enterprise.  Some  time  afterward  Massachusetts  was  re 
paid  for  all  her  expenditures  from  the  Royal  Treasury 
and  the  finances  of  the  colony  were  thereby  put  on  a. 
sound  basis. 

When  the  army  entered  the  town  after  the  surrender 
expecting  unlimited  plunder,  it  was  very  much  disgusted 
at  the  poverty  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  small  booty 
which  awaited  it.  One  diarist  records  the  situation  as 
follows:  "A  great  Noys  and  hubbub  amongst  ye  Sol 
ders  a  bout  ye  Plunder;  Som  Cursing,  som  a  Swarein." 
I  should  think  so.  The  wealth  of  Louisbourg  was  in 
its  walls,  and  they  were  battered  to  pieces  and  could 
not  be  taken  away. 

Among  the  preachers  was  one  zealot  named  Moody, 
who  set  forth  upon  the  enterprise  armed  with  an  axe, 
with  which  he  proposed  to  destroy  and  break  up  the 
idols  which  were  worshipped  by  the  French,  and  perhaps 
incidentally  convert  a  few  of  them!  The  first  thing  he 


Pepperrell  at  Louisbourg          185 

did  when  the  colonists  entered  the  town  was  to  proceed 
to  the  churches  and  enter  upon  the  work  of  demolition. 
A  spiritually  minded,  gentle  Christian  crusader,  he  seems 
to  have  been — quite  up  to  the  level  of  his  ironclad  proto 
types! 

The  French  in  an  endeavor  to  retake  the  town  pre 
pared  a  great  fleet  under  Admiral  d'Anville,  who  set 
forth  the  following  year,  but  the  expedition  proved  the 
most  unfortunate  ever  undertaken  by  France.  The 
ships  of  the  fleet  were  scattered  and  wrecked  by  frightful 
storms,  the  men  died  like  sheep  from  disease,  and  the 
expedition,  never  even  sighting  an  enemy,  effected  noth 
ing  and  ended  in  the  most  ignominious  and  heartbreak 
ing  disaster.  At  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  however, 
the  work  of  the  brave  colonists  was  rendered  of  no  effect, 
for  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  England  returned  Louis 
bourg  to  France.  The  gigantic  undertaking  had  all  to 
be  done  over  by  Amherst,  Wolfe  and  Boscawen,  thirteen 
years  later.  These  commanders  were  supported  by  a 
great  fleet  and  a  perfectly  appointed  army  of  brave  sol 
diers. 

This  colonial  expedition  was  the  maddest  enterprise 
and  the  most  impossible  from  a  military  point  of  view 
that  was  ever  undertaken.  That  it  succeeded  was  due 
to  the  combination  of  patient  endurance,  religious  zeal 
and  innate  capacity  of  the  New  England  men,  seconded 
by  the  shrewdness  and  ability  of  Pepperrell,  the  hearty 
cooperation  of  Warren,  and  the  culpable  supineness  and 
inefficiency  of  the  garrison.  Its  importance  to  the 
"future  history  of  this  country  was  not  little.  Many  of 
the  colonists  learned  how  to  fight  in  this  campaign  and 
the  drums  which  rolled  in  triumph  at  the  head  of  the 
hardy  colonists  as  they  strode  through  the  sally  port  at 


1 86     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Louisbourg  were  the  same  which  beat  the  long  roll  on 
the  slopes  of  Bunker  Hill.  When  the  New  Englanders 
saw  the  mud  walls  Gage  erected  on  Boston  Neck  and 
compared  them  to  the  mighty  ramparts  of  Cape  Breton, 
which  they  had  so  gallantly  surmounted,  they  laughed 
them  to  scorn. 


PART  IV 
THE   FRENCH   AND    INDIAN   WAR 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR   THE   PALLET  OF 
THE   OHIO 

I 
The  First  Failure 


THE    STRUGGLE    FOR    THE    VALLEY 
OF    THE    OHIO 

I.    THE   FIRST   FAILURE 

I.    Washington's  Expedition 

THE  greatest  figure  of  his  age  here  enters  the 
pages  of  history.  On  Christmas  day,  1753,  a 
little  party  of  white  men  and  Indians  took  their 
departure  from  a  rude  frontier  fort  at  Venango  at  the 
junction  of  French  Creek  with  the  Allegheny  River  in 
western  Pennsylvania,  and  plunged  southward  into  the 
primeval  forests  extending  for  leagues  in  every  direction 
about  them.  Since  the  3Oth  of  October  they  had  been 
prosecuting  a  difficult  and  dangerous  undertaking  in  the 
wilderness  of  western  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania.  Ex 
hausted  and  worn  out  from  the  tremendous  hardships 
they  had  undergone,  depressed  by  their  lack  of  success 
— although  their  mission  had  not  been  altogether  a  fail 
ure — their  pack  horses  jaded  and  feeble,  they  were  in  no 
condition  to  undertake  the  terrible  journey  which  inter 
vened  between  them  and  the  report  which  would  mark 
the  completion  of  their  duty. 

The  embassy  had  been  sent  by  the  lieutenant  governor 
of  Virginia,  Robert  Dunwoodie,  to  protest  to  the  French, 
who,  by  the  direction  of  Du  Quesne,  the  governor  of 
Canada,  a  descendant  of  the  great  naval  commander  who 

189 


190     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

defeated  de  Ruyter,  were  establishing  themselves  in  the 
valley  of  the  Ohio — a  section  of  the  New  World  claimed 
by  both  England  and  France,  for  various  reasons  more 
or  less  vague  and  unsatisfactory.  The  English,  or  Amer 
icans  rather,  were  also  to  win  over,  if  they  could,  the 
Indian  tribes  of  that  section  of  the  country  to  the  cause 
of  England.  Dunwoodie's  protest  was  emphasized  by 
the  threat  of  resort  to  arms  in  case  the  French  did  not 
heed  it. 

The  sturdy  Scottish  governor  had  chosen  as  the  most 
fit  person  for  this  arduous  mission  a  young  man,  a  mem 
ber  of  one  of  the  first  families  in  the  Commonwealth,  who 
had  recently  been  appointed  major  and  adjutant  general 
of  the  Virginia  militia;  his  name  was  George  Washing 
ton. 

On  October  3Oth,  the  youthful  major,  then  but  twenty- 
one  years  of  age,  had  set  forth  from  Williamsburg  ac 
companied  by  a  certain  old  soldier  of  fortune,  a  Dutch 
man  named  Jacob  van  Braam,  whose  acquaintance  he 
had  made  previously  and  who  had  spent  the  summer  at 
Mt.  Vernon,  Washington's  home,  teaching  the  young 
planter  and  would-be  soldier  what  little  he  knew  of  the 
noble  art  of  war.  Van  Braam  was  taken  on  the  expedi 
tion  as  an  interpreter,  for  the  veteran  added  to  his  other 
doubtful  accomplishments  a  smattering  of  French.  To 
these  two  were  added  subsequently  one  Christopher  Gist, 
a  bold  and  daring  frontiersman,  hunter  and  trader;  John 
Davidson,  an  Indian  interpreter;  four  other  frontiers 
men,  and  several  Indians, 

The  expedition  had  met  with  indifferent  success. 
They  had  managed  to  gain  the  partial  adherence  of  the 
most  important  Indian  in  the  Ohio  valley,  quaintly  called 
from  his  subordination  to  the  Iroquois  Confederacy  the 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio   191 

"  Half  King,'*  and  it  was  believed  that  if  he  did  not  act 
ually  espouse  the  English  cause  he  would  at  least  remain 
neutral,  but  otherwise  they  had  accomplished  little.  The 
party  had  first  arrived  at  Venango  on  the  4th  of  Decem 
ber.  They  were  hospitably  received  by  Captain  Chabert 
de  Joncaire,  the  commandant,  to  whom  a  visitor  in  the 
lonely  wilderness  about  the  post  was  a  veritable  god 
send.  They  seem  to  have  made  a  night  of  it,  French, 
Americans,  and  the  Dutchman,  together.  Amid  the  deep 
potations  of  the  others,  however,  the  young  commander, 
who  had  partaken  but  sparingly  in  the  carousing,  pre 
served  his  wits  and  heard  the  boasting  betrayal  of  the 
French  plans  for  occupying  and  holding  the  valley. 

Farther  up  the  river — about  twenty  miles  from  Presqu* 
Isle  (Erie) — lay  the  principal  post  of  the  French,  Fort  le 
Bceuf,  then  commanded  by  a  brave  and  accomplished 
chevalier  named  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre,  to  whom,  by 
Joncaire's  direction,  the  party  repaired,  as  he  was  the 
ranking  French  officer  in  that  region.  They  were  re 
ceived  with  courteous  and  gracious  hospitality;  Dun- 
woodie's  letter  of  protest  was  delivered  and  after  a  delay 
of  several  days  Washington  received  St.  Pierre's  reply, 
which  was  in  effect  similar  to  the  famous  remark  of  Mac- 
Mahon  at  Sevastopol,  "  J'y  suis,  fy  reste  "  ("  I  am  here 
and  here  I  stay !  ").  With  this  not  too  encouraging  mis 
sive,  for  the  reply  had  been  committed  to  writing,  having 
so  far  completed  their  mission,  they  started  for  home  in 
canoes  down  the  river,  and  after  a  brief  stay  abandoned 
their  boats  at  Venango  and  resumed  their  journey. 

For  three  days  they  struggled  southward  through  the 
roadless  forest  in  the  midst  of  blinding  storms  of  snow 
and  sleet  which  froze  as  it  fell.  The  poor  pack  horses 
proved  to  be  unequal  to  the  demands  made  upon  them, 


Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

so  the  men  finally  gave  up  their  saddle  horses  to  relieve 
them  of  some  of  their  burdens  and  the  party  pressed  on 
afoot.  The  Indians,  suborned  by  the  French,  deserted 
them,  and  matters  assumed  a  serious  complexion. 

Their  progress  was  very  slow  and  the  young  com 
mander,  who  was  most  anxious  to  deliver  his  report, 
finally  put  the  cavalcade  under  the  charge  of  van  Braam 
with  directions  to  follow  on  as  best  he  could.  Then 
equipping  himself  in  an  Indian  hunting  suit  with  a  heavy 
Indian  match-coat  *  to  protect  himself  from  the  cold  and 
the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  attended  by  the  redoubt 
able  Gist  similarly  clad,  he  pressed  on  ahead  of  the  party. 

It  was  one  of  the  most  dangerous  journeys  ever  under 
taken.  Through  trackless  forests,  over  unknown  moun 
tains,  or  crossing  icy  rivers  swollen  to  raging  torrents, 
in  the  midst  of  the  furious  tempests  of  a  winter  of  unusual 
severity,  the  two  men  struggled  on.  The  Indian  who 
guided  them  through  the  wilderness  was  in  the  pay  of 
the  French  and  he  led  them  far  from  their  way.  His 
treachery  finally  culminated  in  an  open  attack.  Seizing 
a  favorable  opportunity  he  turned  suddenly  and  fired 
point-blank  at  his  employer,  but  George  Washington  was 
not  destined  to  die  by  a  savage  rifle  shot  in  an  unknown 
wilderness.  God  had  other  things  for  him  to  do  and  the 
bullet  missed  him.  He  and  Gist  were  upon  the  Indian 
instantly  and  Gist,  with  the  lex  talionis  of  the  frontier  in 
his  heart,  would  have  killed  the  traitorous  savage  out  of 
hand,  but  Washington  humanely  interfered  to  save  his 
life.  They  disarmed  him,  drove  him  from  them,  and,  hav 
ing  kindled  two  delusive  fires,  doubled  on  their  trail  and 

*  "A  large  loose  coat  formerly  worn  by  American  Indians,  originally  made 
of  fur  skins  matched  and  sewed  together,  and  afterward  of  match-cloth,  a 
kind  of  coarse  woollen  cloth,  called  so,  as  resembling  in  texture  the  fur  skins 
originally  used." 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  193 

escaped  from  the  pursuit  which  their  false  guide  insti 
tuted  as  soon  as  he  joined  his  band. 

Reaching  the  banks  of  the  unfordable  Ohio  one  night 
and  finding  it  not  yet  frozen  over,  with  one  poor  hatchet 
that  remained  to  them  they  made  a  wretched  raft  and 
attempted  to  pole  themselves  across  the  river  amid  the 
swirling  cakes  of  ice.  The  raft  was  capsized  in  mid-stream 
and  only  by  the  most  desperate  exertions  did  they  suc 
ceed  in  gaining  the  bank  of  an  island  near  by.  There 
they  lay  all  night  in  their  wet  clothes  and  Gist  was  badly 
frozen.  The  next  morning  luckily  they  found  the  nar 
rower  waters  on  the  other  side  of  the  island  frozen  over, 
and  were  thus  enabled  to  cross  and  proceed  on  their  way. 
Starving  and  frozen,  after  incredible  hardships  they  finally 
arrived  at  the  rude  hut  of  a  trapper  named  Frazier,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Monongahela  River.  Resting  there  until 
the  first  of  January,  1754,  they  pressed  on  to  Gist's  house 
sixteen  miles  farther.  Here  they  separated.  Washing 
ton  procured  a  horse  and  on  the  i6th  of  January  placed 
the  defiance  of  the  French  in  the  hand  of  the  governor 
at  Williamsburg. 

II.    The  Fate  of  Jumonville 

The  stout  Scotsman  immediately  toolc  measures  to 
make  good  his  threat.  Preparations  were  at  once  made 
to  occupy  the  valley,  and  a  fort  was  projected  at  the  point 
where  the  Monongahela  and  the  Allegheny  rivers  unite 
to  form  the  Ohio.  With  a  soldier's  ready  eye,  as  he 
passed  the  confluence  of  these  two  rivers  on  his  journey, 
Washington  had  discerned  it  to  be  the  proper  place  for  a 
fortification  to  command  the  valley  and  control  its  trade. 
Subsequent  generations  which  have  built  the  great  city 
13 


194     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

of  Pittsburgh  on  the  same  site,  have  attested  the  accuracy 
of  his  observations  and  the  correctness  of  his  judgment. 

Thither  Dunwoodie  despatched  Captain  Trent  with 
Lieutenant  Frazier  and  Ensign  Ward,  together  with  a 
hundred  men  to  build  the  fort.  In  the  meantime,  ex 
torting  reluctant  acquiescence  and  some  small  sums  of 
money  from  the  refractory  House  of  Burgesses,  he  set 
about  raising  a  regiment  for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting 
the  campaign  on  the  Ohio.  Joshua  Fry,  an  English  gen 
tleman  of  some  soldierly  experience  in  the  Low  Coun 
tries,  was  commissioned  colonel  with  Washington  as  his 
lieutenant  colonel.  Recruiting  went  on  slowly  until  it 
was  stimulated  by  the  promise  of  a  land  bounty,  always 
a  useful  and  effective  inducement  and  one  frequently 
offered  in  the  United  States  after  it  came  into  being. 

On  the  2nd  of  April,  1754,  matters  had  so  far  advanced 
that  Washington  started  from  Alexandria  with  two  com 
panies  amounting  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  men.  The 
remainder  of  the  regiment  and  the  artillery  were  to  be 
brought  up  by  Colonel  Fry.  At  Wills  Creek  (now  Cum 
berland,  Maryland),  the  Ohio  Company,  a  powerful  and 
influential  trading  organization,  had  a  large  storehouse. 
There  Trent  was  to  meet  Washington's  party  with  pack 
horses  and  they  were  to  go  forward  and  garrison  the  fort, 
which  he  was  supposed  to  have  completed — but  which  he 
had  not. 

They  found  Trent  there  on  the  2Oth  of  April  but  no 
pack  horses.  Washington  immediately  sent  back  to  Vir 
ginia  for  them,  but  on  the  25th  of  April  the  men  of  the 
advance  party  of  fort  builders  who  had  been  left  at  the 
designated  spot  under  Ensign  Ward,  arrived  at  Wills 
Creek.  They  were  a  sorry  looking  lot  and  they  had  a 
sorry  tale  to  tell. 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  195 

The  French  had  also  seen  the  advantage  presented  by 
the  location  which  the  English  had  seized  and  Monsieur 
de  Contrecceur,  who  had  succeeded  old  St.  Pierre  as  chief 
in  command  of  the  valley,  when  he  heard  of  the  advent 
of  the  English  despatched  some  five  hundred  men  to  dis 
possess  them.  They  arrived  before  the  unfinished  Eng 
lish  work  and  demanded  its  evacuation.  As  they  were 
provided  with  cannon  and  in  overwhelming  force,  to  re 
sist  would  have  been  madness.  Ward  received  assurance 
that  he  could  withdraw  unharmed  with  all  his  supplies 
and  wisely  accepted  the  terms.  The  French  destroyed 
the  crude  English  stockade  and  at  once  began  the  erec 
tion  of  a  formidable  work  which  they  called  in  honor  of 
their  commander,  Fort  Du  Quesne,  thereby  immortaliz 
ing  him. 

Washington  acted  promptly;  his  instinct  as  a  soldier 
and  his  impulses  as  a  man  always  led  him  to  attack.  That 
he  subsequently  schooled  himself  into  such  a  great  de 
fensive  fighter  shows  the  mastery  he  acquired  and  main 
tained  over  himself.  He  determined  to  advance  to 
another  storehouse  nearer  the  enemy  from  which  he 
could  threaten  him  and  strike  if  opportunity  arose,  while 
he  awaited  his  reinforcements.  On  the  2Qth  of  April, 
therefore,  he  marched  from  Wills  Creek.  His  progress 
was  slow  and  toilsome  in  the  extreme.  The  creeks  were 
flooded  by  the  spring  rains  and  it  was  not  until  the  23rd 
of  May  that  he  reached  a  place  called  the  Great  Meadows. 
This  was  an  open  and  level  field  surrounded  by  tree-cov 
ered  mountains.  Washington  says  that  he  thought  it 
"  a  charming  field  for  an  encounter,"  and  he  proceeded 
to  make  preparations  for  one. 

He  cleared  away  the  bushes  and  taking  advantage  of 
a  ravine  with  a  shallow  creek  brawling  through  it,  he 


196     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

marked  out  a  rude  fort.  The  little  army  encamped  and 
set  to  work  upon  the  intrenchments.  On  the  25th,  how 
ever,  having  received  news  from  some  friendly  Indians 
that  a  party  of  French  had  been  lurking  in  the  vicinity, 
Washington  determined  to  surprise  them.  He  set  forth 
from  the  camp  in  the  dead  of  night  with  forty  men,  six 
of  whom  straggled  from  the  party  in  the  darkness. 
Guided  by  his  friend  the  "  Half  King/'  the  little  band 
stumbled  through  the  woods  in  the  darkness  and  came 
upon  the  French  just  before  sunrise  upon  the  morning 
of  the  26th  of  May,  1754.  The  French,  who  were  par 
tially  surprised,  at  once  sprang  to  their  arms.  Washing 
ton  gave  the  command  to  fire.  For  some  fifteen  minutes 
the  two  parties  kept  up  a  fierce  fusillade  upon  each  other, 
at  the  end  of  which  the  French  threw  down  their  arms 
and  surrendered. 

Washington  lost  one  killed  and  three  wounded.  The 
French  had  ten  killed  and  twenty-one  wounded  and  capt 
ured,  but  one  man  escaping.  Among  the  killed  was  the 
commander,  a  young  ensign  named  Coulon  de  Jumon- 
ville.  The  French  chose  to  regard  the  death  of  Jumon- 
ville  as  an  assassination,  claiming  that  he  was  an  envoy 
bearing  a  peaceful  letter  of  warning,  and  they  wasted  a 
vast  quantity  of  poetry  and  protest  over  the  matter.  The 
claim  is  absurd  and  untenable  and  was  abandoned  by 
everybody  but  statesmen  and  romancers — terms  not  de 
void  of  a  certain  association.  Peaceful  envoys  who  are 
desirous  of  delivering  letters  do  not  lurk  concealed  for 
days  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy. 

There,  in  that  obscure  skirmish  in  the  backwoods  of 
America,  rather  than  at  Lexington,  was  fired  "  the  shot 
heard  round  the  world."  When  the  young  Virginian 
gave  the  word  to  begin,  he  precipitated  a  globe-encir- 


George    Washington    at    the    Age    of 
Twenty-five. 


General   Braddock, 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio   197 

cling  series  of  conflicts  which  did  not  end  until  the  final 
defeat  of  France  and  Napoleon  on  the  field  of  Waterloo, 
sixty  years  later.  Let  it  be  noted,  too,  that  amid  all  the 
splendid  figures,  statesmen,  soldiers,  patriots,  men  who 
shed  lustre  upon  this  great  period  of  conflict,  the  name 
of  no  one  stands  higher  in  these  categories  than  that  of 
Washington. 

The  young  colonel  was  greatly  elated  by  his  success. 
The  two  parties  had  been  about  equal  in  numbers  and  he 
had  shown  no  little  skill  in  making  his  dispositions  for 
the  attack.  With  the  enthusiasm  of  a  very  young  man 
he  wrote  to  his  brother  as  follows:  "  I  fortunately  es 
caped  without  any  wound;  for  the  right  wing,  where  I 
stood,  was  exposed  to,  and  received,  all  the  enemy's  fire; 
and  it  was  the  part  where  the  man  was  killed  and  the  rest 
wounded.  /  heard  the  bullets  whistle,  and,  believe  me, 
there  is  something  charming  in  the  sound."  * 

King  George  is  reported  to  have  said  in  his  dryly  hu 
morous  way,  when  this  rodomontade,  as  Walpole  called 
it,  was  reported  to  him,  "  He  would  not  say  so  if  he  had 
been  used  to  hear  many."  When  he  was  an  old  man 
Washington  was  asked  if  he  had  made  the  statement 
ascribed  to  him.  He  justified  it  by  saying  that  if  he  did, 
it  was  when  he  was  very  young.  As  to  that,  although 
he  learned  to  conceal  his  feelings  in  after  years,  I  very 
much  doubt  if  he  ever  changed  his  opinion,  for  if  there 
was  anything  on  earth  he  loved,  it  was  a  fight. 

*  Italics  mine.— C.  T.  B. 


198     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 


III.    The  Fight  at  Fort  Necessity 

The  prisoners  taken  were  sent  back  to  Dunwoodie  and 
the  main  body  remained  in  the  camp.  Provisions  were 
very  scarce,  in  fact  the  detachment  was  nearly  starved 
and  the  name  they  gave  to  their  intrenchment,  Fort 
Necessity,  is  grimly  indicative  of  their  situation.  They 
were  regularly  and  vigorously  drilled,  however,  and  every 
Sunday  in  default  of  a  chaplain  Washington  conducted 
religious  services  himself. 

Presently  the  remainder  of  the  regiment  came  strag 
gling  up  to  the  Great  Meadows.  Colonel  Fry  had  died 
at  Wills  Creek  and  Washington  found  himself  in  com 
mand  of  some  three  hundred  men.  They  were  indiffer 
ently  armed,  poorly  provided,  wretchedly  clothed.  With 
them  also  came  an  independent  company  from  North 
Carolina.  Mackay,  who  commanded  them,  held  a  king's 
commission  and  would  receive  no  orders  from  Washing 
ton  who  held  a  colonial  rank  only.  His  men  regarded 
themselves  as  regular  soldiers  and  bore  themselves  with 
great  arrogance,  and  indolence  as  well,  toward  the  Vir 
ginians.  Therefore,  leaving  Mackay  to  garrison  Fort 
Necessity,  Washington  with  high  hopes  of  success, 
marched  forward  on  the  nth  of  June  to  attack  Fort  Du 
Quesne.  Neither  he  nor  any  other  Englishman  was  to 
get  a  glimpse  of  it  even,  for  years  to  come. 

On  the  way  thither  he  received  word  that  the  place 
had  been  heavily  reenforced  and  its  capture  with  his  force 
was  out  of  the  question.  A  council  of  war  was  called  and 
in  accordance  with  its  unanimous  decision,  he  determined 
to  return  to  Wills  Creek;  then,  after  obtaining  further 
reinforcements,  he  intended  to  advance  once  more.  The 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  199 

retiring  regiment  got  no  farther  than  Great  Meadows, 
however,  in  its  retreat.  The  soldiers  were  completely 
exhausted  by  the  labor  of  carrying  the  baggage  and 
dragging  the  artillery,  which  comprised  nine  little  swivels, 
and  they  were  forced  to  stop  at  Fort  Necessity  for  rest. 

Hard  on  their  heels  came  the  French.  They  were  led 
by  Coulon  de  Villiers,  called  from  his  many  successful  en 
terprises  "  Le  Grand  Villiers,"  who  was  burning  with 
desire  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  young  brother,  Jumon- 
ville.  His  party  was  composed  of  five  hundred  regulars 
and  Canadian  militia  and  as  many  Indians.  Washing 
ton,  who  was  advised  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  by 
his  scouts  whom  he  had  mounted  on  wagon  horses 
and  sent  forward  to  reconnoitre,  finding  it  impossible  to 
go  farther  had  devoted  his  time  to  strengthening  Fort 
Necessity,  which  was  now  a  rude  square  stockade,  with 
the  swivels  mounted  upon  the  walls,  which  afforded  little 
or  no  protection  for  the  gunners.  There  was  a  shallow 
ditch  around  the  fortification. 

On  the  3rd  of  July,  early  in  the  morning,  the  French 
appeared  on  the  wooded  hills.  Washington  drew  up  his 
men  in  the  meadow  outside  the  fort  and  made  ready  for 
battle.  It  was  a  bold  defiance  and  the  indicated  desire 
for  a  hand  to  hand  conflict  in  the  open  was  quite  in  keep 
ing  with  the  character  of  the  man.  The  French,  how 
ever,  and  especially  the  Indians,  had  no  mind  to  play  that 
sort  of  a  game.  They  remained  concealed  in  the  sur 
rounding  woods  firing  on  the  Americans  from  the  shelter 
of  the  trees.  Washington  thereupon  reoccupied  the  fort 
and  a  battle  commenced  which  was  maintained  with 
great  vigor  all  day  long. 

During  the  afternoon  it  rained  frequently  and  heavily; 
so  much  so,  that,  at  times,  the  combatants  were  forced  to 


200     Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

suspend  operations,  but  whenever  there  was  the  slightest 
intermission  in  the  falling  water,  the  fighting  was  re 
sumed.  Poor  and  wretchedly  equipped  as  the  Vir 
ginians  were,  they  were  excellent  marksmen  and  they 
poured  a  steady  fire  upon  their  encircling  foes  delib 
erately  and  coolly  discharging  their  pieces  and  endeavor 
ing  to  make  every  shot  tell.  The  French  and  Indians 
were  equally  good  shots  with  the  rifle  and  the  casualties 
on  both  sides  were  severe.  It  was  found  impossible  for 
the  Americans  to  make  any  effective  use  of  their  swivels 
as  almost  every  man  who  attempted  to  manipulate  them 
was  immediately  shot  down. 

As  the  evening  drew  on  the  condition  of  the  besieged 
became  desperate.  Their  ammunition  was  almost  gone 
and  nearly  one  hundred  men  out  of  a  total  of  three  hun 
dred  and  fifty  had  been  killed  or  wounded.  The  stock 
ade  had  at  last  become  untenable,  for  the  French  had 
found  a  position  from  which  they  could  enfilade  it  and 
every  corner  was  being  searched  by  the  leaden  messen 
gers  of  death  whenever  the  rain  made  firing  possible. 
Washington's  condition  was  hopeless.  Fortunately  for 
him,  however,  the  French  were  not  in  a  very  much  better 
situation.  They  had  suffered  about  an  equal  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded  during  the  engagement;  the  Indians,  who 
were  not  happy  in  a  siege,  were  threatening  to  break 
away;  their  ammunition  was  also  nearly  exhausted;  de 
Villiers,  therefore,  proposed  a  parley  to  discuss  terms  of 
capitulation. 

Washington  fearing  treachery  resolutely  refused  it,  and 
as  the  rain  was  pouring  down  in  torrents,  operations  were 
again  suspended,  although  both  parties  lay  suspiciously 
upon  their  arms.  The  French  finally  sent  an  officer,  who 
succeeded  in  assuring  Washington  of  the  honesty  of  his 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  201 

commander's  intentions,  and  the  parley  was  accordingly 
had.  Captain  van  Braam  was  sent  to  the  French  cap 
tain  to  ascertain  what  terms  he  proposed.  The  terms 
which  de  Villiers  offered  were  most  generous.  The 
Americans  were  to  march  out  of  the  fort  with  all  the 
honors  of  war  and  everything  they  could  carry.  One 
of  the  swivels  was  allowed  them;  everything  they  could 
not  carry  was  to  fall  to  the  French  and  Indians. 

Washington  having  accepted  them,  the  articles  were 
reduced  to  writing  by  the  French  and  brought  back  to 
camp  by  van  Braam.  The  American  officers,  who  knew 
no  French,  gathered  around  the  Dutchman  as  he  trans 
lated  the  French  propositions  to  them.  It  was  a  difficult 
task;  the  night  had  fallen  and  the  rain  was  still  pouring 
down;  a  solitary  candle  was  hardly  kept  alight  in  the  rain; 
van  Braam  stumbled  through  the  blurred,  blotted  terms 
of  the  capitulation  and  Washington  and  his  officers  after 
ward  appended  their  signatures  to  it. 

To  anticipate,  after  it  was  all  over,  they  found  they  had 
formally  acknowledged  that  they  had  assassinated  young 
Jumonville.  They  knew  no  French.  Van  Braam  read 
ing  hurriedly  had  mistranslated  the  word  "  Tassassinat," 
by  "  the  death,"  or  "  killing."  It  is  probable  that  he  did 
it  through  carelessness  and  ignorance,  for  his  knowledge 
of  French  was  not  comprehensive.  At  any  rate  the  re 
sults  of  the  blunder  were  sufficiently  serious,  for  Wash 
ington  found  himself  a  self-proclaimed  murderer,  and  it 
was  a  point  over  which  the  French  made  great  capital  in 
their  subsequent  discussions  of  the  happenings  in  the 
Ohio  valley.  All  this  was  in  the  womb  of  the  future, 
however,  at  that  time. 

The  next  morning,  the  4th  of  July,  too,  the  fort  was 
evacuated  and  Washington  with  a  very  dejected  feeling 


202     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

set  forth  upon  his  retreat.  His  poor,  tired,  worn-out, 
half-starved  men,  staggered  along  the  road,  carrying  on 
their  backs  or  in  hastily  improvised  litters,  the  wounded 
members  of  the  regiment,  the  dead  having  been  buried 
where  they  had  fallen.  Indians  ran  along  by  the  side 
of  the  Virginians  with  menacing  gestures  and  shouts  for 
a  long  time,  but  they  affected  no  one  by  their  conduct. 
For  seventy  weary  miles  the  Americans  plodded  on  until 
they  reached  the  storehouses  at  Wills  Creek,  where  op 
portunity  for  rest  and  refreshment  was  afforded  them. 
Washington  left  them  there  to  recuperate  and  rode  on 
to  Williamsburg  to  make  his  melancholy  report  to  the 
governor. 

This,  his  first  campaign,  had  ended  disastrously.  It 
had  opened  most  auspiciously,  but  it  had  terminated  in 
defeat.  There  was  nothing  dishonorable,  however,  in  it. 
He  had  conducted  himself  well,  defended  his  post  bravely, 
and  retreated  with  the  honors  of  war  before  an  over 
whelming  force.  Yet  he  felt  discouraged  and  dispirited. 
His  feelings,  however,  were  not  shared  by  his  country 
men,  who  received  him  with  open  arms  and  undimin- 
ished  confidence. 

Two  phases  of  his  career  had  passed.  They  had  seen 
him  first  as  a  hardy  and  adventurous  frontiersman,  then 
as  a  bold  if  somewhat  reckless  border  fighter;  and  a  year 
only  was  to  elapse  when  they  were  to  discover  in  him  the 
most  promising  young  soldier  of  his  place  and  time. 


PART  IV 
THE   FRENCH   AND   INDIAN  WAR 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR   THE  PALLET  OF 
THE   OHIO 

II 

The  Second  Failure 


THE    STRUGGLE    FOR   THE   VALLEY 
OF    THE    OHIO 

II.    THE  SECOND   FAILURE 

I.    The  Character  and  Career  of  General  Braddock 

IN  England,  near  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  cen 
tury,  probably  in   1695,  there  was  born  to  Major 
General  Edward  Braddock,  Lieutenant  Colonel  of 
the  Coldstream  Guards,  a  son  who  was  named  for  his 
father.     The  origin  of  the  family  is  unknown.     The  last 
one  left  no  descendants  and  the  family  has  vanished  into 
the  obscurity  from  which  it  sprang. 

Though  the  name  between  father  and  son  appears  for 
over  seventy  years  on  the  roster  of  the  same  famous  regi 
ment  of  the  Guards — a  regiment  so  distinguished  in  Eng 
lish  history  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  caution  its  men 
lest  they  should  bear  themselves  too  arrogantly  toward 
the  soldiers  of  less  favored  corps — but  little  is  known  of 
their  history.  It  is  vaguely  surmised  that  they  were  of 
Irish  extraction,  though  the  name  Braddock — query, 
broad  oak? — does  not  bear  out  the  speculation.  How 
they  obtained  an  entree  into  this  exclusive  body  of  sol 
diery  and  the  means  by  which  they  were  enabled  to  at 
tain  and  retain  their  coveted  station  are  equally  unknown. 
Possibly  in  their  capacity  and  merit,  although  these  were 
but  rarely  rewarded  at  Court,  may  be  found  the  only 

explanation. 

205 


206     Colonial   Fights  and  Fighters 

The  son  referred  to  became  one  of  the  most  famous 
characters  in  English  history;  and,  I  do  believe,  one  most 
unkindly  dealt  with  by  those  who  have  tried  to  chronicle 
his  actions.  He  was  unlucky  and  hence  unforgiven.  To 
paraphrase  an  old  proverb,  "  Nothing  defeats  like  de 
feat,"  and  poor  Braddock  has  been  overwhelmed  with 
unmerited  censure,  his  character  and  career  made  the 
subject  of  heartless  jest,  his  misfortunes  emphasized  by 
undeserved  obloquy,  his  reputation  destroyed  by  in 
sinuation  and  innuendo,  and  his  good  qualities — which 
were  many — have  been  almost  totally  lost  sight  of. 

I  hold  no  brief  for  England  or  the  English.  My  own 
ancestors  did  fight  under  Forbes  when  he  finally  captured 
Fort  Du  Quesne,  but  that  is  their  solitary  instance  of 
English  service,  of  which  I  have  record;  their  original 
nationality  was  Irish  and  they  were  invariably  found  in 
opposition  to  England.  Some  of  them  may  have  been  in 
the  Irish  Brigade  which  opposed  Braddock's  own  regi 
ment  of  Guards  at  Fontenoy,  yet  in  this  story  of  a  defeat 
as  disastrous — not  as  disgraceful,  I  maintain,  in  opposi 
tion  to  popular  opinion — as  ever  befell  an  English  army, 
I  shall  incidentally  strive  to  do  justice  to  this  unfortunate 
commander. 

He  entered  the  English  service  in  1710  as  an  ensign 
in  his  father's  regiment,  the  Coldstream  Guards  afore 
mentioned,  being  then  about  fifteen  years  of  age,  and  he 
remained  with  it  continuously  until  1753,  participating  in 
all  of  the  brilliant  services  in  which  it  took  part,  including 
the  famous  battles  of  Dettingen  and  Fontenoy.  After 
ward,  when  "  Butcher "  Cumberland  carried  out  his 
bloody  campaign  in  Scotland  Braddock  was  with  him. 
His  conduct  at  Culloden  and  afterward  attracted  the 
favorable  notice  of  the  duke,  who  thereafter  became  his 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  207 

firm  friend  and  patron.  To  him  Braddock  owed  his 
subsequent  advancement. 

In  1746,  while  still  retaining  his  connection  with  the 
regiment,  he  was  appointed  brigadier  general  in  the  line 
and  commanded  a  detachment  in  Admiral  Lestock's  ex 
pedition  to  Quiberon.  He  afterward  returned  to  the 
Netherlands  and  remained  there  until  1748,  distinguish 
ing  himself  at  the  siege  of  Bergen-op-Zoom. 

In  1753  he  was  detached  from  the  Guards  and  sent  to 
Gibraltar  to  take  command  of  the  Fourteenth  Foot,  an 
organization  which  had  shown  itself  to  be  one  of  the  most 
unruly  and  undisciplined  in  the  service,  and  which  needed 
some  hard  treatment  to  bring  it  into  shape.  He  com 
pletely  changed  the  character  of  the  regiment,  reducing 
it  to  order,  drilling  and  disciplining  it  until  it  became 
noted  for  its  efficiency;  and  it  is  stated,  greatly  to  his 
credit,  that  the  men  of  the  regiment  in  spite  of  the  break 
ing  in  he  had  given  them,  fairly  adored  him. 

On  the  29th  of  March,  1754,  by  the  influence  of  Cum 
berland,  he  was  appointed  major  general  and  com 
mander  of  all  His  Majesty's  troops  then  in,  or  to  be  sent 
to,  North  America.  So  much  for  his  record,  which  was 
one  of  constant,  even  brilliant,  service,  hard  fighting,  and 
steady  promotion. 

Now,  as  to  his  character.  Walpole  speaks  of  him  as 
"  desperate  in  his  fortunes,  brutal  in  his  behaviour,  obsti 
nate  in  his  sentiments."  Let  us  examine  these  charges. 
When  Braddock's  father  died  the  family  consisted  of  two 
sisters  and  this  one  son.  To  each  of  the  sisters  was  left 
about  six  thousand  pounds  and  to  the  son  probably  the 
same  amount.  One  sister  died  early  leaving  her  estate 
to  the  other.  Goldsmith  records  that  the  surviving  sister 
expended  her  fortune  and  ruined  herself  to  pay  the  debts 


208     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

of  the  man  she  loved,  a  creature  unworthy  of  such  a  sacri 
fice,  for  rinding  her  property  was  gone  he  promptly  de 
serted  her. 

In  despair  poor  Fanny  Braddock  resorted  to  the  gam 
ing  table  and  eventually  committed  suicide,  although 
nothing  whatever  could  be  brought  against  her  moral 
character.  Walpole  writes  that  Braddock  when  he  heard 
of  the  untimely  end  of  his  sister,  remarked,  "Poor  Fanny! 
I  always  thought  she  would  play  until  she  would  be  forced 
to  tuck  herself  up."  Certainly  it  was  a  brutal  thing  to  say 
— if  he  said  it.  Walpole  again  relates  a  story  of  Brad- 
dock's  robbing  his  mistress  of  her  last  guinea  and  then 
abandoning  her.  The  incident  was  embodied  in  a  play 
and  Walpole  ascribed  it  to  this  soldier.  These  two  anec 
dotes  are  the  main  things  by  which  he  is  discredited. 

Walpole's  statements  are  not  above  suspicion.  In 
many  instances  he  is  palpably  wrong  and  the  accuracy  of 
his  judgment  must  often  be  questioned  (as  for  instance 
when  he  calls  Washington  a  "  brave  braggart "  or  a 
"  fanfaron " — two  things  he  certainly  was  not).  In 
truth,  Walpole  had  the  habit  of  the  gossip,  and  the  gossip 
of  the  satirical  kind  at  that;  nothing  escaped  his  heartless, 
caustic  pen.  He  would  sacrifice  truth  to  a  jest,  accuracy 
to  a  witticism,  reputation  to  an  anecdote,  honor  to  a  trifle, 
without  a  compunction.  As  for  instance,  when  the  Brit 
ish  army  was  toiling  through  the  Alleghenies  under  in 
credible  difficulties,  Walpole  coolly  writes  that  "  Brad- 
dock  seems  in  no  hurry  to  get  himself  scalped!  " 

While  investigating  various  historical  subjects  I  have 
found  a  number  of  misstatements  in  Walpole's  Letters, 
consequently  I  am  not  disposed  to  rely  entirely  upon  his 
statements  or  conclusions.  To  offset  his  deductions  the 
following  points  are  worthy  of  consideration.  Brad- 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  209 

dock's  income  was  something  like  three  hundred  pounds 
a  year,  and  since  Walpole  stamped  him  as  a  man  of  broken 
fortunes  the  fact  that  he  increased  it  slightly  during  his 
lifetime  and  left  the  sum  of  seven  thousand  pounds  to 
Mrs.  Anne  Bellamy,  gives  the  story  the  lie  at  once.  Also, 
it  is  known  that  he  freely  drew  upon  his  private  funds 
for  the  furtherance  of  the  king's  business  in  America, 
which  is  significant. 

Everybody  admits  that  he  was  a  man  of  the  most  de 
termined  courage.  He  could  not  have  been  enrolled  for 
forty-five  years  in  the  finest  regiment  of  the  British  army, 
whose  officers  were  all  men  of  birth  and  station,  had  he 
been  a  low,  vulgar,  brutal,  tyrannical  man.  Mrs.  Bel 
lamy  preserves  one  little  anecdote  about  him  which  seems 
to  refute  the  charge  of  cruelty  and  brutality.  She  says: 

"  As  we  were  walking  in  the  park  one  day,  we  heard  a 
poor  fellow  was  to  be  chastised;  when  I  requested  the 
General  to  beg  off  the  offender.  Upon  his  application 
to  the  general  officer,  whose  name  was  Dury,  he  asked 
Braddock,  how  long  since  he  had  divested  himself  of 
brutality  and  the  insolence  of  his  manners?  To  which 
the  other  replied,  *  You  never  knew  me  insolent  to  my 
inferiors.  It  is  only  to  such  rude  men  as  yourself  that  I 
behave  with  the  spirit  which  I  think  they  deserve.' ' 

He  had  served  in  many  campaigns  and  always  with 
credit.  According  to  his  standard  he  was  a  most  ac 
complished  soldier.  Nobody  ever  claimed  that  he  was 
a  heaven-born  leader,  or  that  he  was  a  great  military 
genius,  and  when  he  was  placed  in  conditions  which  no 
British  soldier  had  ever  faced  and  matched  with  foes 
whose  tactics  no  British  officer  had  ever  fathomed,  under 
circumstances  hitherto  unparalleled,  he  failed;  but  there 
was  probably  no  soldier  in  the  British  army  at  the  time 
14 


210     Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

who  would  not  have  failed,  and  those  who  succeeded  sub 
sequently,  did  so  from  experience  gained  by  observing 
his  failure. 

In  a  day,  moreover,  in  which  peculation  was  universal 
and  the  public  service  was  honeycombed  with  fraud  and 
reeked  with  corruption,  he  was  rigidly  and  sturdily  hon 
est — even  Walpole  admits  this  last  and  it  does  not  accord 
with  the  character  of  a  debt-ridden  spendthrift. 

And  we  must  not  forget  that  the  men  of  the  worst 
regiment  in  the  service,  whom  he  had  trained,  loved  him. 
Wolfe  sums  up  his  character  when  he  styles  him  "  a  man 
of  courage  and  good  sense,  although  not  a  master  of  the 
art  of  war," — that  last  must  have  been  said  of  nearly  all 
English  soldiers  except  Wolfe  himself! 

The  evening  before  Braddock  left  England  he  called 
upon  Mrs.  Bellamy  and  as  he  bade  her  good-by  he  told 
her  she  would  never  see  him  more,  for  he  was  going  with 
a  handful  of  men  to  conquer  whole  nations;  and,  pro 
ducing  a  map  of  the  country,  he  said  that  to  do  this  they 
must  cut  their  way  through  unknown  woods  and  that 
they  were  to  be  sent  like  sacrifices  to  the  altar. 

It  was  Braddock's  misfortune  to  be  the  first  British 
soldier  to  conduct  a  campaign  against  Indians  and  sav 
ages  in  the  wilderness,  and  unless  he  were  possessed  of 
the  genius  which  would  enable  him  to  adapt  himself  to 
unknown  and  unfamiliar  conditions,  the  first  soldier  was 
fairly  enough  doomed  to  defeat.  I  have  a  great  sym 
pathy  for  him  and  some  admiration,  which  has  arisen 
without  design  on  my  part  from  a  study  of  the  various 
authorities  used  in  preparing  this  account.  Arrogant, 
imperious,  stubborn,  self-willed,  hard,  he  had  his  faults — 
and  they  were  grave — but  they  were  more  than  counter 
balanced  by  his  virtues. 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  211 


II.    The  March  to  the  Valley 

But  to  return  to  the  story.  The  King  and  his  minis 
ters  were  determined  that  the  French  should  be  driven 
out  of  the  Ohio  valley  and  when  the  campaign  of  Wash 
ington  with  its  disastrous  termination  was  reported  in 
England,  it  was  decided  to  send  over  to  America  such  a 
force  as  would  suffice — as  they  fondly  thought — to  settle 
the  question. 

France  and  England  were  still  at  peace  with  each 
other  and  were  loudly  proclaiming  their  mutual  affection, 
while  both  parties  were  engaged  in  most  formidable  and 
warlike  preparations.  It  was  decided  that  the  force  for 
the  reduction  of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  with  which  we  are 
immediately  concerned,  should  consist  of  the  Forty- 
fourth  and  Forty-eighth  regiments  of  the  line,  then  quar 
tered  in  Ireland.  Braddock  was  to  have  chief  command 
in  the  colonies,  with  Shirley,  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 
as  his  second.  Two  more  regiments  of  infantry,  Shir 
ley's  own  and  Pepperrell's  were  to  be  raised  in  the  colo 
nies.  The  number  of  men  in  the  Forty-fourth  and 
Forty-eighth  regiments,  then  containing  about  five  hun 
dred  each,  was  to  be  increased  to  seven  hundred  each 
by  enlistments  in  America. 

The  main  force  under  Braddock  was  to  take  Fort  Du 
Quesne,  wrhile  auxiliary  expeditions  were  proposed  to 
seize  Ticonderoga,  Niagara,  and  various  other  points. 
All  but  that  under  the  immediate  direction  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  may  be  dismissed  from  our  consideration 
for  the  present. 

On  the  25th  of  February,  1755,  the  famous  ship-of-the- 
line  Centurion,  on  which  Anson  had  made  his  wonderful 


212     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

cruise  around  the  world,  arrived  at  Hampton  Roads,  in 
Virginia,  with  two  other  ships,  the  naval  force  being  un 
der  the  command  of  Commodore  Keppel,  afterwards  so 
justly  celebrated  an  admiral.  Braddock  and  his  staff 
were  on  this  squadron.  The  remainder  of  the  troops 
came  straggling  in  at  different  dates  on  thirteen  trans 
ports  and  three  storeships,  and  it  was  not  until  the  middle 
of  March  that  the  entire  army  was  landed  upon  the  shores 
of  Virginia. 

A  council  of  all  the  royal  governors  was  held  and 
preparations  made  to  carry  out  the  plans  of  the  English 
Ministry.  After  incredible  delays  and  infuriating  ex 
periences  caused  by  dilatory  and  unruly  colonial  assem 
blies,  by  incompetent  executives,  and  by  jealousy,  mal 
administration,  and  insubordination  everywhere,  which 
exasperated  the  general  beyond  endurance  and  caused 
him  to  voice  his  anger  and  disappointment  in  no  meas 
ured  terms,  the  necessary  recruiting  was  completed,  and 
the  expedition  in  May  reached  Fort  Cumberland. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  Washington  himself,  on  many 
occasions,  was  quite  as  severe  in  his  strictures  upon  the 
incapable  colonial  governments  and  the  inefficient  militia 
as  Braddock  had  been.  The  English  general's  most 
serious  blunder  was  his  contempt,  freely  and  forcibly  ex 
pressed,  for  the  provincial  troops;  yet  it  was  easy  to 
understand.  How  could  a  man  who  had  been  trained  a 
strict  disciplinarian — a  bit  of  a  martinet  indeed — think 
otherwise  of  such  soldiers  as  the  provinces  produced? 
Knowing  nothing  of  the  conditions  of  the  warfare  in 
which  he  was  about  to  engage,  Braddock  was  not  able 
to  see  possibilities  of  usefulness  in  anything  but  the 
rigidly  drilled  automata  of  the  British  line. 

Fort  Cumberland  was  a  rude  structure  which  had  been 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  213 

built  about  the  storehouses  at  Wills  Creek  on  the  Po 
tomac  to  provide  a  base  of  supplies  from  which  the  army 
could  begin  the  campaign  proper.  The  two  regular  regi 
ments  had  been  recruited  to  seven  hundred  men  each. 
In  addition  there  were  two  companies  of  colonial  troops, 
a  company  of  guides  or  pioneers,  a  troop  of  light  horse 
and  a  detachment  of  sailors  from  the  squadron. 

Sir  John  St.  Clair,  Quarter-Master-General,  had  been 
sent  to  America  ahead  of  the  others  to  make  arrange 
ments  for  the  transportation  of  the  army.  He  proved 
himself  glaringly  and  wofully  inefficient  and  accomplished 
practically  nothing.  Wagons  and  horses  for  the  baggage 
and  artillery  train  had  been  provided  at  last  through 
the  efforts  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  who  had  come  upon 
the  scene  like  a  good  angel  and  relieved  the  situation, 
after  Braddock  had  almost  despaired  of  securing  trans 
portation.  Franklin  had  cunningly  told  the  Pennsyl 
vania  farmers  that  their  wagons  and  teams  would  be  well 
paid  for,  adding  that  if  they  did  not  offer  them  volun 
tarily  they  would  probably  be  taken  for  nothing — the 
king's  business  must  not  be  delayed. 

Poor  Braddock  in  the  midst  of  all  his  difficulties,  de 
scribed  Franklin  as  the  only  man  of  parts  and  sense  he 
had  met  in  the  country — although  the  shrewd  philoso 
pher  did  not  reciprocate  the  opinion.  There  was  one 
other  man,  however,  whom  Braddock  had  probably  for 
gotten  when  he  wrote,  to  whom  he  had  wisely  given  his 
confidence,  and  that  was  Colonel  Washington. 

When  the  order  had  come  the  previous  year  making 
colonial  officers  of  whatsoever  rank  junior  even  to  en 
signs  who  bore  the  king's  commission,  Washington  had 
instantly  resigned  the  service,  although  it  was  a  serious 
blow  to  him  to  see  all  his  hopes  of  military  preferment 


214     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

vanish.  He  was  a  frequent  visitor  to  the  camp,  which 
was  established  near  Alexandria,  however,  and  in  com 
pany  with  the  other  gentry  of  the  province  extended 
much  hospitality  to  the  British  general  and  his  officers. 
He  closely  observed  the  drills  and  made  himself  master 
of  the  minutiae  of  army  life  as  presented  there.  The 
lessons  he  learned  were  exceedingly  valuable,  indeed,  it 
was  there  he  laid  the  foundation  of  his  knowledge  of  drill 
and  discipline.  It  was  the  only  school  of  the  soldier  he 
ever  attended.  It  is  greatly  to  Braddock's  credit — let 
it  be  set  down — that  he  readily  discerned  the  soldierly 
stuff  that  was  in  Washington  and  in  order  to  avail  him 
self  of  his  valuable  service,  offered  him  a  position  upon 
his  own  staff  with  the  rank  of  colonel.  There  the  high- 
spirited  Virginian  would  be  subject  to  no  orders  but  the 
general's  own.  Orme  and  other  members  of  the  staff 
welcomed  him  gladly  and  Washington  engaged  in  his 
new  duties  with  becoming  zeal  and  success,  winning 
golden  opinions  everywhere.  It  was  in  many  ways  a 
most  fortunate  appointment  for  Braddock  and  his  men. 

By  May  2Oth,  the  whole  force  was  assembled  at  Fort 
Cumberland.  On  the  3Oth  of  May,  having  lost,  it  will 
be  seen,  some  three  months  of  precious  time,  which  was 
in  no  sense  the  fault  of  Braddock,  the  advance  began. 
Six  hundred  men  were  sent  forward  to  open  the  road, 
wrhich  was  a  narrow  Indian  trail  wretchedly  cleared,  wind 
ing  through  the  woods.  On  the  7th  of  June,  the  first 
party  followed  under  the  command  of  Sir  Peter  Halket, 
colonel  of  the  Forty-fourth;  on  the  8th  the  second  party 
under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Gage  moved  out,  and  on  the 
loth,  the  rear  guard  under  Colonel  Thomas  Dunbar,  of 
the  Forty-eighth,  broke  camp. 

In  ten  days  the  army  arrived  at  Little  Meadows,  hav- 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  215 

ing  made  less  than  two  miles  and  a  half  per  day!  They 
waited  here  for  a  week  to  recuperate  and  to  receive  be 
lated  provisions  and  forage  which  had  been  promised 
them  but  which  were  very  slow  in  coming  in.  On  the 
1 8th  of  June,  by  Washington's  advice,  Braddock  de 
termined  to  press  forward  with  what  he  called  a  flying 
column;  although  crawling  column  would  be  a  better 
term. 

Taking  two  hundred  provincials  and  one  thousand 
regulars,  with  four  howitzers,  four  twelve  pounders, 
twelve  coehorns,*  and  thirty  ammunition  and  artillery 
wagons,  with  the  provisions  on  pack  horses,  and  leaving 
the  rest  of  the  artillery  train  and  the  baggage  with  eight 
hundred  of  the  poorest  men  under  Dunbar — who  took 
great  umbrage  at  being  relegated  to  the  rear — to  follow 
as  best  they  could,  Braddock  set  forth.  On  the  2ist  of 
June  they  entered  Pennsylvania  and  by  the  24th  they 
had  progressed,  in  five  days,  seventeen  miles!  Their 
way  took  them  through  a  rough,  wild,  unbroken  country, 
absolutely  in  its  native  state.  Now  they  climbed  lofty 
mountains,  now  they  followed  the  winding  course  of 
rushing  streams,  now  they  defiled  through  narrow  val 
leys.  On  the  hills  great  woods  of  gloomy  pine  trees 
overshadowed  them,  and  the  rough  road  which  the  toil 
ing  pioneers  managed  to  cut  through  the  trees  was  hardly 
practicable  even  for  pack  horses. 

'*  Sometimes  their  slow  progress  lay  through  open 
forests,  where  the  giant  stems  of  oak  and  poplar,  chest 
nut  and  maple,  rose  from  a  clean  carpet  of  fallen  leaves, 
or  spread  their  leafy  roof  over  wide  stretching  and 
luxuriant  masses  of  rhododendrons  and  azaleas,  just  now 

*  A  small  mortar  for  throwing  grenades,  usually  carried  by  hand  by  four 
men. 


Map  Showing  the  Route  and  Encampments  of  the  Expeditions  of 
Braddock  and  Forbes  in  1755  and  1758 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  217 

in  the  very  zenith  of  their  bloom;  at  other  times  they 
were  brushing  between  sombre  walls  of  cypress  and  hem 
lock  which  hid  the  sunlight  and  the  heat  from  dank,  dark 
soils  where  the  moss-grown  carcasses  of  fallen  trees  lay 
heaped  together  in  all  stages  of  decay.  Now  the  long 
column  was  clinging  precariously  to  a  precipitous  hill 
side,  beneath  which  some  pent-up  torrent  churned  and 
roared.  Now  it  was  struggling — cattle,  horses,  wagons, 
and  men — in  some  rocky  channel,  where  a  shrunken 
stream  trickled  amid  the  debris  of  its  winter  floods. 
Signs  of  the  French  and  Indians  were  plentiful,  but  as 
yet  they  kept  their  distance,  filling  the  measure  of  their 
hostility  with  taunts  and  ribald  verses  smeared  upon  the 
trees.  Admirable  discipline  was  maintained,  and  every 
precaution  that  prudence  required  was  observed  by  Brad- 
dock.  Men  were  thrown  out  upon  both  flanks  march 
ing  abreast  through  the  trees,  while  beyond  these  again 
scouting  parties  ranged  the  woods.  A  careless  straggler 
was  occasionally  killed  and  scalped,  but  no  party  of  the 
enemy  ventured  an  attack  upon  the  column,  attenuated 
though  it  of  necessity  was."  * 

They  practically  met  no  enemy,  no.  friend.  The  silence 
about  them  to  men  accustomed  to  the  crowded  countries 
of  Europe  was  menacing  and  unbearable.  To  the  sol 
diers  with  their  leather  leggins,  tight  woollen  coats,  heavy 
knapsacks,  tall  mitred  hats,  the  heat  and  fatigue  of  the 
journey  were  almost  unsupportable. 

The  march  dragged  fearfully,  as  the  long  line  plodded 
and  struggled  on.  Instead  of  discarding  every  bit  of 
parade  and  pressing  rapidly  toward  Fort  Du  Quesne, 
Washington  complains  that  they  stopped  to  level  every 

*  Bradley,  The  Fight  with  France  for  North  America.  An  excellent 
book. 


218     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

mole  hill  and  build  a  bridge  over  every  creek.  Not  a 
single  practice  of  a  European  march  was  omitted,  no 
point  of  military  procedure  was  slighted.  It  might  take 
them  years  to  reach  the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  but  they 
would  do  it  as  trained  soldiers  should.  They  set  a  fine 
example  to  the  forest  trees,  since  there  was  nothing  else 
to  see  them.  This  was  one  of  Braddock's  greatest  mis 
takes. 

Yet  in  all  the  hardships  of  the  journey  the  general, 
now  a  stout  old  man  of  sixty  years,  cheerfully  shared. 
When  the  pack  horses  began  to  give  out  he  set  the  ex 
ample  of  surrendering  his  own  for  the  service  of  the 
army;  an  example  which  was  followed  by  the  officers 
generally,  as  they  toiled  on  slowly  but  surely  through 
the  wilderness. 

Braddock  has  been  accused  of  neglecting  to  employ  any 
Indians  and  as  despising  these  valuable  allies.  Whatever 
his  opinions,  and  naturally  he  would  not  be  greatly  pre 
possessed  in  their  favor,  as  a  matter  of  fact  he  never  had 
an  opportunity  to  employ  more  than  fifty  and  these,  with 
the  exception  of  eight,  presently  abandoned  him.  On 
the  3rd  of  July  he  encamped  at  Jacob's  Creek  and  per 
sonally  urged  the  remaining  Indians  to  go  forward  on  a 
scouting  expedition.  They  at  first  refused  to  do  this, 
but  he  finally  persuaded  them  and  they  set  forth  on  the 
following  day.  Christopher  Gist,  who  had  joined  him, 
also  departed  upon  the  same  errand.  Dunbar  with  the 
rear  guard  meanwhile  had  started  on  the  2nd  of  July  to 
follow -the  army. 

On  the  6th  the  scouting  expeditions  came  back  and 
reported  that  all  was  quiet  in  front  of  them  and  that  the 
fort  did  not  appear  to  have  been  heavily  reenforced. 
On  the  same  day  a  convoy  of  provisions  for  which  Brad- 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  219 

dock  had  been  waiting  reached  him  and  he  set  forth 
again. 

On  the  7th  he  reached  Little  Turtle  Creek  on  the  bank 
of  the  Monongahela.  He  intended  to  cross  this  and 
proceed  directly  to  the  fort.  If  he  had  done  so  probably 
he  would  have  succeeded  in  capturing  it,  but  he  was  pre 
vented  by  two  circumstances;  a  report  that  was  brought 
to  him  of  the  necessity  for  leading  his  army  through  a 
narrow  pass  between  the  river  and  the  mountain,  which 
could  easily  be  held  by  the  French,  and  by  his  inability 
to  get  his  wagons  across  the  creek  on  the  ordinary  road 
owing  to  the  steepness  of  the  banks.  He  was  informed, 
too,  that  by  turning  to  the  left  he  would  find  a  practi 
cable  crossing  of  the  Monongahela  and  then  after  advanc 
ing  a  few  miles  another  ford  of  the  same  winding  river, 
which  offered  no  difficulties  to  his  passage.  When  he 
had  crossed  the  second  ford  he  would  be  within  six  miles, 
an  easy  striking  distance,  of  the  fort  with  no  intervening 
obstacles  worthy  of  mention.  He  determined,  therefore, 
to  try  this  road.  Turning  back  from  Turtle  Creek,  on 
the  evening  of  the  8th  he  encamped  near  the  first  cross 
ing  of  the  Monongahela. 

There  Washington  joined  him.  He  had  been  ill  of  a 
fever  and  Braddock  had  compelled  him  to  remain  behind 
with  Dunbar's  force.  Washington  had  only  agreed  to 
do  this  upon  the  assurance  of  the  general  that  he  should 
be  brought  up  before  the  anticipated  action,  which  he 
says  he  would  not  have  missed  for  five  hundred  pounds. 
It  gives  a  touch  of  homeliness  to  the  narrative  when  we 
learn  that  Braddock  solemnly  enjoined  Washington  to 
take  "  Dr.  James'  powders,"  which  he  assured  him  were 
the  finest  powders  in  the  world  for  fever!  Washington 
was  still  ill  and  had  been  brought  up  most  of  the  way  in 


220     Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

a  wagon  following  the  provision  convoy.  However, 
when  he  reached  the  others  he  was  sufficiently  recovered, 
although  very  weak,  to  mount  his  horse. 

At  three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  Qth  of  July, 
1755,  Braddock  detached  a  strong  party  under  Lieuten 
ant  Colonel  Gage  to  secure  the  crossings.  At  four 
o'clock  Lieutenant  Colonel  St.  Clair,  the  quarter-mas 
ter-general,  was  sent  forward  with  a  large  working  party 
to  clear  the  roads.  At  six  o'clock  the  general  himself, 
with  the  rest  of  the  army,  broke  camp.  Four  hun 
dred  men  were  posted  on  the  heights  covering  the  first 
crossing  which  the  advance  guards  had  declared  unoccu 
pied,  and  the  whole  army,  baggage  wagons,  artillery 
train,  pack  horses,  cattle,  camp  followers — including 
some  thirty  women! — safely  made  the  passage.  At 
eleven  o'clock  they  reached  the  second  ford,  which  was 
held  in  force  by  Gage  and  St.  Clair.  They  were  much 
surprised  that  no  attempt  had  been  made  to  dispute  their 
passage  in  either  instance. 

It  was  a  bright  sunny  morning.  Thinking  it  prob 
able  that  French  or  Indian  scouts  might  be  lurking  in 
the  vicinity  Braddock  determined  to  effect  the  second 
passage  of  the  river  in  the  finest  military  style.  Com 
panies  were  deployed  and  with  the  sound  of  trumpet  and 
fife  and  roll  of  drum,  the  little  army  plunged  into  the 
water  and  marched  across.  A  brave  and  splendid  show 
they  made;  the  red-coated  regulars,  the  Virginians  in 
blue,  the  sailors,  the  pioneers,  the  irregulars  in  their  hunt 
ing  suits;  the  martial  music,  the  loud  blasts  of  the 
trumpet,  the  rolling  of  the  drums,  the  splashing  feet  in 
the  sparkling  waters,  the  sunlight  reflected  from  the 
gleaming  gun  barrels  and  flashing  bayonets,  filled  the 
scene  with  a  martial  display  the  like  of  which  had  never 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  221 

before  been  witnessed  in  America.  The  observers,  of 
which  there  were  not  a  few,  were  duly  impressed — but 
not  in  the  least  dismayed. 

The  river  where  they  crossed  although  six  hundred 
feet  broad  was  very  shallow.  They  made  the  passage 
without  difficulty  and  halted  for  dinner  on  the  other  side. 
At  last  they  were  within  striking  distance  of  the  enemy. 
The  last  river  was  crossed,  the  last  obstacle  surmounted, 
the  rest  was  to  be  plain  sailing.  Braddock  and  his  offi 
cers  were  much  elated.  They  had  been  a  long  time  on 
this  journey,  but  the  end  was  near.  Gayly  they  made 
their  preparations  for  the  final  stage  of  their  march.  It 
never  seems  to  have  occurred  to  any  one,  not  even  to 
Washington,  that  they  were  approaching  a  most  disas 
trous  defeat — a  slaughter,  a  rout.  Everyone  was  sub 
limely  and  supremely  confident  of  certain  and  immediate 
success,  and  in  that  fatuous  but  natural  confidence  they 
took  up  the  final  march. 


III.    The  Defeat  on  the  Monongahela 

The  ground  on  the  east  bank,  the  Du  Quesne  side,  of 
the  Monongahela  sloped  gently  up  from  the  bank  of  the 
river  for  some  distance  and  was  well  covered  with  old 
trees  with  little  or  no  underbrush.  Near  the  crossing 
stood  Frazier's  house  where  Washington  and  Gist  had 
received  their  timely  succor  a  year  before.  It  was  now, 
of  course,  abandoned.  Having  seen  his  whole  army 
safely  across,  about  one  o'clock  Braddock  gave  orders 
for  the  advance.  So  far  they  had  seen  no  one.  Al 
though  they  were  near  the  fort  no  body  of  troops  had 
come  to  oppose  them.  Nevertheless  the  English  neg- 


222     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

lected  no  precaution  which  their  experience  and  tactics 
suggested.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Gage  was  again  thrown 
forward  with  an  advance  party  with  the  guides  and  engi 
neers;  in  front  of  them  some  of  the  Virginia  light  horse 
were  ordered  to  scout.  Flankers  were  extended  through 
the  woods  on  either  side.  Some  little  distance  in  the 
rear  of  Gage,  who  was  accompanied  by  two  pieces  of  ar 
tillery,  came  St.  Clair  with  his  party  of  road  makers;  then 
followed  the  general  with  the  main  body  of  the  army  and 
the  artillery  train,  while  Sir  Peter  Halket  with  some  regu 
lars  and  the  colonial  troops,  amounting  in  all  to  some 
four  hundred  men,  brought  up  the  rear  with  the  baggage 
train. 

It  was  Braddock's  intention  to  march  until  late  in  the 
afternoon,  then  encamp  for  the  night  and  the  next  morn 
ing  formally  invest  the  fort.  Neither  he,  nor  Washing 
ton,  nor  anyone — unless  it  were  shrewd  old  Benjamin 
Franklin  back  in  Philadelphia  putting  a  damper  upon  a 
fund  which  was  being  subscribed  to  celebrate  the  victory, 
by  remarking  that  it  would  be  better  to  raise  such  a  fund 
when  the  victory  came — seems  to  have  doubted  the  re 
sult.  Indeed,  as  Benjamin  Franklin  had  said,  if  Brad- 
dock  once  succeeded  in  investing  the  fort  its  downfall 
would  be  certain.  The  only  question  in  Franklin's  mind 
was  as  to  the  likelihood  of  his  getting  there. 

Fort  Du  Quesne  was  a  stoutly  built  affair  of  logs,  but 
was  commanded  by  adjacent  hills,  and  though  it  was  im 
pregnable  to  musketry,  yet  with  Braddock's  artillery  train 
it  would  have  been  untenable.  In  fact  de  Contrecceur 
had  about  decided  that  a  defence  was  not  feasible  and 
that  the  only  thing  left  for  him  to  do  would  be  to  with 
draw.  He  had,  in  fact,  made  every  preparation  for  re 
treating  when  Braddock  appeared.  He  had  no  doubt 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  223 

but  that  he  would  be  permitted  to  leave  with  all  the 
honors  of  war  and  had  arranged  to  do  so. 

Fortunately  for  the  French,  however,  the  second  in 
command  of  the  post,  the  young  Chevalier  de  Beaujeu, 
was  one  of  those  daring  and  adventurous  soldiers  to 
whom  the  idea  of  retreat  is  the  last  that  presents  itself, 
and  he  persuaded  de  Contrecoeur  to  allow  him  to  take 
some  seventy  French  regulars  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
Canadians  with  thirty-two  officers  and  cadets  from  the 
small  garrison  of  the  fort,  and,  with  such  Indians  as  he 
could  induce  to  follow  him  attempt,  at  least,  to  delay  the 
advance.  The  French  had  assembled  a  large  party  of 
Indians  from  all  over  the  northwest  in  the  clearing  about 
the  fort,  and  influenced  by  Beaujeu's  impassioned  ora 
tory  and  by  the  persuasions  of  such  men  as  Charles  de 
Langlade,  a  famous  half-breed  wood-ranger,  and  no  less 
a  chief  than  the  afterward  famous  Pontiac,  some  six  hun 
dred  and  forty-seven  of  them  at  last  volunteered  to  fol 
low  him.  The  total  attacking  forces  numbered,  there 
fore,  less  than  nine  hundred  men. 

Barrels  of  powder  and  bullets  were  broached  before 
the  gates  and  the  Indians  helped  themselves.  It  was  de 
Beaujeu's  intention  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the  river, 
but  the  delay  in  getting  the  Indians  off,  and  Braddock's 
celerity — the  one  time  he  was  quick  in  his  movements — 
had  forced  him  to  abandon  the  effort.  Although  in 
formed  by  his  scouts  that  he  had  lost  this  favorable  op 
portunity  de  Beaujeu  determined  to  attack  the  British 
when  he  could  and  accordingly  pressed  on — a  brave  fel 
low  indeed.  This  fact  effectually  disposes  of  the  state 
ment  that  Braddock  was  the  victim  of  an  ambuscade.* 

*  This  is  a  charge  often  made  and  is  last  repeated  in  Woodrow  Wilson's 
Colonies  and  Nation.  It  is  without  foundation.  There  was  no  ambush. 


224     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Gage  and  his  party  preceded  by  Gordon,  an  engineer 
officer,  and  some  of  Captain  Stewart's  fleet  light-horse 
men,  steadily  advanced  up  the  valley.  A  quarter  of  a 
mile  from  the  river  bank  the  hills  rose  to  a  maximum 
height  of  perhaps  two  hundred  feet.  As  they  marched 
along  in  the  general  direction  of  the  river,  though  con 
stantly  swerving  inward,  the  woods  became  thicker  and 
the  ground  covered  with  underbrush.  The  marching 
column  followed  a  narrow  path  a  few  feet  wide  which 
wound  in  and  out  among  the  trees,  not  much  more  than 
a  trail  in  fact. 

The  axemen  under  St.  Clair  by  cutting  down  trees  did 
their  best  to  increase  the  width  of  the  road  which  pres 
ently  made  a  wide  detour  away  from  the  bank  of  the 
river  to  escape  a  swamp  which  was  the  termination  of  a 
rather  broad  shallow  ravine,  over  which  it  was  necessary 
for  them  to  cross.  One  hundred  and  fifty  yards  farther 
another  ravine  parallel  to  the  first  stretched  across  the 
path  of  the  invaders.  From  this  ravine  two  smaller  and 
rather  deep  depressions  in  the  ground  ran  almost  at  right 
angles  to  it  in  a  direction  roughly  paralleling  the  Eng 
lish  advance. 

The  forest  here  was  filled  with  shrubs  and  bushes  and 
the  two  small  ravines  were  hidden  by  trees,  vines  and  a 
thick  undergrowth.  Back  of  the  ravine  upon  the  right 
arose  a  steep  and  commanding  hill  also  thickly  wooded. 
No  one,  neither  French  nor  British,  seems  to  have  had 
the  slightest  previous  idea  of  the  existence  of  these 
smaller  and  parallel  ravines.  Unfortunately  the  flanking 
parties,  preserving  European  military  distances,  were  not 
thrown  out  quite  far  enough  to  detect  them,  and  they 
were  not  visible  until  one  stumbled  into  them.  Between 
this  quartet  of  ravines  the  battle  happened  to  be  fought; 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  225 

if  the  place  had  been  made  to  order  it  could  not  have 
been  more  favorably  constructed  for  the  purposes  of  the 
French  and  Indians,  and  the  luck  was  altogether  against 
the  British. 

At  half  after  two  Gordon,  the  engineer  officer  with  the 
advance  party,  being  then  a  short  distance  from  the  sec 
ond  transverse  ravine,  suddenly  became  aware  of  a  party 
of  soldiers  in  French  uniform  directly  in  front  of  him. 
They  seemed  to  the  astonished  Englishman  to  have 
sprung  from  the  ground.  They  were  led  by  a  man  in  a 
hunting  shirt  upon  whose  breast  shone  the  polished  silver 
gorget  of  an  officer.  Waving  his  hat  the  soldier  turned 
to  his  men  and  spoke  a  short  word  of  command.  In 
stantly  the  forest  rang  with  the  report  of  arms  followed 
by  the  shouts  of  "  Vive  le  Roi!  Vive  la  France! "  Sev 
eral  of  the  English  fell. 

The  horse  having  discovered  the  enemy  very  properly 
gave  back  to  clear  the  front  for  the  infantry,  and  Colonel 
Gage  instantly  deployed  his  men  into  such  a  line  as  the 
crowding  trees  permitted.  A  heavy  volley  from  the  Brit 
ish  crashed  through  the  woods  in  response  to  the  French 
attack.  The  artillery  was  wheeled  to  the  front  and  one 
or  two  vigorous  discharges  seemed  to  blow  the  advancing 
French  away.  The  officer  who  had  given  the  first  com 
mand  to  fire  was  seen  to  fall.  The  French  gave  ground. 

The  British  cheering  madly  began  to  advance.  But 
before  they  had  gone  a  few  steps  shot  began  to  drop  in 
on  them  from  either  flank.  Here  and  there  a  dusky 
painted,  feathered  figure  could  be  seen  flitting  from  tree 
to  tree,  but  nothing  else.  The  Indians  at  that  moment 
moved  forward  and  stumbling  upon  the  ravines  immedi 
ately  occupied  them.  Flashes  of  fire  darted  under  the 
branches,  drifts  of  smoke  blew  down  upon  the  men  in 
15 


226     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

the  open;  the  soldiers  began  to  fall,  they  paused  uncer 
tainly,  the  shots  came  in  from  every  side;  they  faced 
about,  fired  wildly,  hesitated,  began  to  retreat. 

The  French  in  front  of  them  rallied  and  came  on  once 
more  with  loud  cries;  and  then  a  new  sound  mingled  with 
the  cheering  of  the  French.  Upon  those  unaccustomed 
English  ears  for  the  first  time  broke  the  savage  war  cry 
in  all  its  appalling,  menacing  fury.  The  retreat  became 
a  rout  and  in  a  wild  run  the  advance  came  pouring 
through  the  woods  abandoning  their  cannon.  In  vain 
Gage,  who  was  wounded,  tried  to  rally  them,  in  vain  the 
Virginia  horse  strove  to  intercept  them. 

Back  at  the  crossing  Braddock  heard  the  sound  which 
told  him  that  the  expected  attack  had  at  last  begun. 
Leaving  Halket  and  the  rear  guard  with  the  baggage 
he  immediately  ordered  up  the  rest  of  the  army  and 
pressed  on  toward  the  front  himself.  From  both  flanks 
and  the  front  a  fierce  fire  was  being  poured  upon  the 
advance  parties,  quickly  extending  on  each  side  and 
rapidly  enveloping  the  whole  British  lines.  In  spite  of 
the  most  determined  efforts  of  their  officers  Gage's  men 
rushed  upon  the  wavering  ranks  of  St.  Clair's  detach'- 
ment,  not  yet  heavily  engaged,  which  they  threw  into 
great  confusion.  The  British  had  seen  no  one,  did  not 
see  anyone  thereafter — still  the  resistless  rain  of  death 
kept  up,  still  the  men  fell. 

Meanwhile,  M.  Dumas,  who  had  succeeded  to  the 
command  on  the  death  of  de  Beaujeu,  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  his  Canadian  auxiliaries  had  retreated  after  the  first 
disastrous  discharge  of  the  English,  and  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  the  Indians  had  at  first  shown  signs  of  with 
drawing,  succeeded  in  rallying  them  and  his  own  men. 
At  that  moment  the  solitary  chance  of  success  for  Brad- 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  227 

dock's  men  had  presented  itself.  A  prompt  advance 
upon  the  French  by  Gage's  party,  a  scattering  of  the 
other  troops  through  the  woods,  righting  by  taking  ad 
vantage  of  every  cover,  would  have  routed  the  French 
regulars  and  sent  the,  at  first,  lukewarm  Indian  contin 
gent  into  speedy  retreat.  However,  neither  Gage  nor 
St.  Clair  with  the  advance  were  able  enough  or  experi 
enced  enough  to  recognize  this  opportunity  and  in  a 
moment  it  was  lost.  Washington  would  have  seized  the 
chance  probably,  but  he  was  still  with  Braddock,  who 
knew  nothing  about  it,  and  had  he  been  at  the  front  he 
had  not  sufficient  rank  or  influence  to  have  been  heeded 
if  he  had  suggested  it. 

Gage  and  St.  Clair  were  both  experienced  soldiers. 
They  called  in  their  flankers,  all  who  were  left  alive  that 
is,  and  endeavored  to  get  their  men  into  line.  It  was 
what  they  had  been  taught  to  do  and  what  almost  any 
other  mere  well-trained  soldier  would  have  done.  It 
needed  the  bitter  lesson  of  defeat  to  teach  them  differ 
ently.  They  got  it.  They  knew  nothing  of  forest  fight 
ing,  but  in  that  day  they — or  the  watching  world  rather 
— learned  something.  Not  for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years 
would  a  British  army  be  caught  in  such  a  position — 
their  lesson  lasted  until  they  attempted  to  crush  the 
South  African  republics  the  other  day. 

With  the  French  officers  and  cadets  and  the  regular 
soldiers,  Dumas,  with  his  second  in  command,  de  Lig- 
neris,  clung  to  the  ravines  in  front  of  the  British  lines  and 
the  dangerous  moment  passed.  The  Indians  recovered 
from  their  alarm  and,  guided  and  inspired  by  de  Langlade 
and  Pontiac  and  several  of  the  French  officers,  they  com 
pletely  filled  the  two  parallel  ravines  and  a  large  body 
took  shelter  behind  the  trees  upon  the  hill  to  the  right, 


Map  of  Braddock's  Defeat,  Prepared  by  the  Aathor. 

B  B,  British  j  C,  Advance  party  ;  C,   Rear  guard  ;   K,  Frazer's  house  j  R  R, 

Ravines  filled  with  Indians. 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio   229 

where  they  were  practically  safe  from  danger,  and  whence 
they  poured  in  a  withering  and  destructive  fire. 

As  the  main  body  of  the  redcoats  came  up  the  narrow 
road  on  a  double  quick  the  advance  parties,  now  mixed 
in  the  helpless  confusion  of  a  retreat,  precipitated  them 
selves  into  the  on-coming  mass  of  their  comrades.  The 
two  regiments  became  disorganized  at  once  and  were 
thrown  into  great  confusion.  They  halted,  hesitated, 
struggled  into  broken  disjointed  lines  and  began  firing 
wildly  in  every  direction. 

The  Indians  meanwhile  continued  to  move  along 
through  the  ravines  on  both  flanks  until  they  had  the 
English  practically  surrounded.  In  fact,  after  a  short 
time  the  savages  were  so  far  extended  that  they  were 
enabled  to  engage  Halket  and  the  rear  guard;  although 
the  colonials  with  him,  taking  cover  and  thoroughly  un 
derstanding  the  savage  way  of  playing  the  game,  there 
put  up  a  much  stiffer  fight.  In  vain  did  Braddock  and 
his  officers  endeavor  to  restore  a  semblance  of  order  to 
the  disorganized  men.  The  regimental  standards  were 
advanced  and  the  men  were  besought  to  rally  upon  them. 
Officer  after  officer  appealed  to  his  men  to  follow  him 
and  charge  upon  the  enemy  whom  they  could  not  see 
yet  whose  presence  was  indicated  by  the  encircling  line 
of  fire.  But  they  could  do  nothing  with  their  men.  In 
their  desperation  in  several  instances  the  officers  assem 
bled  in  little  parties  hoping  thereby  to  form  a  nucleus  by 
which  the  men  could  be  induced  to  advance.  In  vain. 
The  British  soldiers  remained  huddled  like  sheep  in  the 
narrow  lane  in  the  tree-covered  fields,  thick  with  under 
brush,  blazing  away  in  futile  volleys  at  an  enemy  who 
shot  at  them  from  every  direction.  It  was  hardly  neces 
sary  for  the  French  and  the  Indians  to  take  careful  aim. 


230     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

All  they  had  to  do  was  to  stand  concealed  in  the  ravines 
and  point  their  guns  over  the  edges  at  the  huddled  mass 
of  red  and  blue  showing  through  the  smoke  under  the 
trees,  and  pull  the  trigger. 

All  that  mortal  man  could  do  was  done  by  Braddock 
and  his  officers.  Such  heroism  as  they  showed  on  that 
field  deserves  the  highest  commendation.  From  the 
high  hill  to  the  right  came  the  most  galling  fire.  Colonel 
Burton,  whose  name  was  last  upon  the  dying  lips  of  Wolfe 
at  Quebec,  finally  got  together  one  hundred  men  to 
charge  the  hill  and  dislodge  the  enemy.  Bravely  he  ad 
vanced,  but  after  he  had  gone  a  few  paces  he  found  him 
self  alone,  the  soldiers  would  not  follow.  One  of  the 
Virginia  companies  left  the  huddled  mass  of  redcoats 
and  advanced  on  the  run  until  they  gained  the  shelter  of 
some  fallen  trees,  when  they  began  to  pour  a  careful  fire 
upon  their  foes.  The  excited  British  saw  the  smoke 
ahead  of  them,  and  thinking  it  came  from  an  enemy,  the 
artillery  fired  at  it  and  over  fifty  of  the  Virginians  were 
killed  thereby.  Indeed  many  of  the  English  were  killed 
by  the  fire  of  their  comrades.* 

When  the  battle  began  the  colonial  troops,  and  the 
regulars  who  had  enlisted  in  the  colonies,  having  better 
knowledge  of  the  demands  of  the  situation,  immediately 
sought  the  shelter  of  the  trees  and  began  to  fire  upon 
the  Indians,  endeavoring  to  fight  them  in  their  own  way. 
Many  of  the  British  soldiers  blunderingly  essayed  the 
same  tactics.  To  hide  behind  a  tree  was  in  Braddock's 
mind  the  act  of  a  coward,  and  the  infuriated  general  act 
ually  beat  the  men  out  into  the  open  with  the  flat  of  his 
sword,  endeavoring  to  form  and  keep  the  line — and  this 

*  It  is  sometimes  alleged  that  Braddock  was  shot  by  one  of  his  own  men, 
but  the  statement  is  undoubtedly  false. 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  231 

in  spite  of  the  advice  of  Washington  and  the  colonial 
officers ! 

Braddock's  stubborn  courage  was  magnificent.  Freely 
exposing  himself  he  held  his  men  inflexibly  in  those  un 
availing  lines  of  battle;  hot,  tired,  hoarse,  cheering  them 
on  and  encouraging  them  to  fight;  horse  after  horse  to 
the  number  of  five  shot  under  him,  his  clothes  riddled 
with  bullets — our  hearts  go  out  to  the  brave  if  stupid 
soldier.  All  his  aides  were  disabled  from  wounds  at  last 
except  the  young  Virginia  colonel,  and  right  gallantly 
did  Washington  second  him  that  day.  That  young  man 
heard  bullets  whistle  then  as  he  had  never  heard  before. 
And  he  was  the  hero  of  the  stricken  field. 

He  was  everywhere  in  the  very  thick  of  the  fray,  now 
striving  to  lead  a  charge,  one  moment  springing  from  his 
horse  and  single-handed  wheeling  a  cannon  about  and 
discharging  it  at  the  concealed  foes;  again  heartening  the 
frightened  men,  teaching  them  to  take  cover  as  he  could, 
imploring  them  to  make  a  brave  stand;  carrying  the 
orders  of  the  general  here  and  there,  begging  him  to 
allow  the  men  to  fight  behind  the  trees;  exposing  him 
self  freely,  recklessly,  to  all  the  dangers  of  the  battle,  he 
raged  about  that  field  like  a  perfect  incarnation  of  war. 
Two  horses  were  shot  beneath  him  and  his  clothing  was 
riddled  with  bullets.  Many  of  the  Indians,  it  was  told  in 
after  years,  marked  his  tall  figure  and  fired  carefully  at 
him  again  and  again,  but  without  avail.  God  was  still 
protecting  him  for  the  great  work  of  the  future. 

So  the  battle  raged  until  nearly  five  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon.  The  long  hours  wore  away  and  the  woods 
were  still  filled  with  the  continual  crackle  of  the  muskets 
and  the  roar  of  the  heavier  guns.  The  ground  was  cov 
ered  with  dead  and  wounded.  Sixty-three  of  the  eighty- 


232     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

nine  officers  had  fallen.  Washington  in  his  excitement, 
writing  while  the  story  of  the  defeat  was  still  fresh  in  his 
mind,  called  the  British  soldiers  cowards,  but  men  who 
can  stand  and  fight  an  unseen  enemy,  for  more  than  two 
hours  while  they  are  being  shot  down  from  every  side, 
cannot  properly  be  described  as  cowards.  They  stood 
helplessly  in  the  forest  glades  dying  in  their  tracks,  the 
living  blazing  away  ineffectually  at  the  surrounding 
country  while  the  Indians  and  the  French  made  targets 
of  them,  until  their  ammunition  was  exhausted  and  Brad- 
dock  himself  at  last  commanded  a  retreat.  Even  to  the 
brave,  stubborn  bulldog  soul  of  the  general  the  con 
sciousness  of  defeat  was  at  last  borne.  To  stay  longer 
was  to  invite  destruction.  With  a  breaking  heart  the 
proud  old  soldier  gave  the  order. 

He  had  not  a  single  staff  officer  left  unwounded  except 
Washington.  The  British  army  had  become  complete 
ly  disorganized.  There  was  no  semblance  of  order  or 
organization  left  in  it.  The  retreat  at  once  became  a 
rout.  The  men  preserved  no  order  and  left  the  field  on 
a  wild  run.  Just  as  he  gave  the  order  to  retire  a  bullet 
struck  the  general  in  the  arm  and  passed  through  it  into 
the  lung,  inflicting  a  mortal  wound.  Captain  Stewart 
of  the  horse  and  Washington  sprang  to  his  assistance. 
Realizing  that  he  had  received  his  death  wound  the  un 
fortunate  leader  begged  piteously  to  be  left  to  die  upon 
the  field  where  he  had  performed  such  prodigies  of  valor 
— in  vain.  Not  heeding  his  request  they  lifted  him  upon 
a  tumbrel  or  tool-cart,  and  dragged  him  after  the  rest. 
Everything  was  lost. 

During  the  afternoon  the  Indians  had  extended  their 
lines  until  they  encompassed  the  rear  guard,  and  though 
the  Virginians  who  were  with  Halket  had  fought  them 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  233 

off  while  their  ammunition  lasted,  the  rear  had  been  at 
last  overwhelmed  like  the  rest.  Sir  Peter  Halket,  the 
best  of  the  English  officers,  a  man  of  the  very  highest 
character,  had  been  shot  and  instantly  killed.  His  son, 
a  young  lieutenant  of  the  same  regiment,  stooping  over 
him  had  met  the  same  fate  and  had  fallen  dead  upon  his 
father's  breast. 

The  guns  and  baggage  were  abandoned.  The  mili 
tary  chest  with  twenty-five  thousand  pounds  of  specie  in 
it,  was  left  behind.  All  of  Braddock's  papers  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  pursuers.  As  the  men  fled  they  threw 
away  their  arms,  equipments,  and  even  divested  them 
selves  of  their  clothing  as  they  could. 

The  tumbrel  was  also  abandoned  and  the  dying  gen 
eral  was  carried  across  the  river  in  a  silk  sash,  which  offi 
cers  going  into  action  wore  for  that  purpose.  When  the 
river  was  crossed  he  was  mounted  on  a  horse  and  carried 
a  short  distance  farther  when  his  pain  became  unbear 
able,  and  they  were  forced  to  dismount  him.  Washing 
ton,  who  was  now  the  ranking  officer  unwounded,  by 
the  direction  of  Braddock  strove  to  rally  the  men  to  form 
a  rear  guard.  He  succeeded  in  assembling  about  one 
hundred  fugitives  under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Burton,  but 
in  a  few  moments  they  left  him.  At  the  second  crossing 
a  like  effort  met  with  another  failure.  Yet  how  bravely 
the  dying  general  strove  to  do  his  duty  and  check  the 
rout  and  rally  his  men!  Fortunately  for  the  English 
the  pursuit  had  stopped  at  the  first  crossing  of  the  river. 
The  Indians  ranged  over  the  field  and  with  horrible 
ferocity  killed  all  those  who  were  so  severely  wounded 
as  to  be  unable  to  get  away.  The  French  did  what  they 
could  to  restrain  the  savages  from  their  brutalities,  but 
they  were  too  few  in  number  to  accomplish  much.  All 


234     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

but  three  of  the  unfortunate  women  were  killed  after 
such  a  fate  as  can  painfully  be  imagined,  and  yet  their 
experience  was  probably  merciful  contrasted  with  the 
fate  in  store  for  the  three  remaining. 

Nearly  nine  hundred  officers  and  men  were  killed  and 
wounded,  of  whom  the  greater  part  were  killed  in  battle 
or  murdered  after  it.*  There  was  scarcely  an  Indian  en 
gaged  who  did  not  dangle  from  his  belt  a  reeking,  gory 
scalp.  The  plunder  and  booty  secured  by  the  allies  was 
immense,  as  the  English  succeeded  in  taking  literally 
nothing  across  the  river.  Twelve  unwounded  English 
men  were  captured  by  the  Indians  and  reserved  for  a 
fearful  end. 

There  was  an  American  prisoner  at  Fort  Du  Quesne 
that  day  and  he  described  the  desperate  anxiety  with 
which  de  Contrecoeur  waited  during  the  afternoon  for 
news  from  de  Beaujeu  whom  the  cowardly  Canadians 
declared  they  had  left  in  dire  straits  when  they  came 
running  back  after  their  desertion.  It  was  late  in  the 
evening  before  the  war  party  returned  carrying  with  them 
the  dead  bodies  of  their  heroic  commander  and  three 
other  Frenchmen  who  had  been  killed  and  bringing  less 
than  a  score  of  wounded,  which,  with  some  sixty  casual 
ties  among  the  Indians,  represented  the  total  loss  sus 
tained  by  the  expedition.  There  was  much  joy  in  the 
garrison  when  the  news  of  the  crushing  victory  which 
they  had  obtained  had  been  told. 

The  young  American  boy,  the  prisoner  referred  to, 
stood  on  the  ramparts  and  saw  the  twelve  British  sol 
diers,  who,  utterly  ignorant  of  the  savage  practices  and 
customs,  had  surrendered  themselves  as  prisoners  of  war, 

*  The  defeat  of  St.  Clair  in  1791  was  a  greater  disaster,  and  was  much 
more  disgraceful ;  the  casualties  were  larger,  too,  yet  it  is  but  little  remem 
bered. — See  my  American  Fights  and  Fighters. 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  235 

burned  at  the  stake  after  having  been  subjected  to  the 
slowest  and  most  agonizing  of  tortures.  De  Contre- 
coeur  and  his  officers  looked  at  the  horrid  orgy  from  the 
ramparts  of  Du  Quesne  while  the  white  flag  of  France 
floated  over  the  scene  of  shame  to  the  eternal  disgrace 
of  its  defenders. 

But  the  French  were  not  yet  at  ease.  Within  strik 
ing  distance  of  the  fort  the  English  still  had  a  force  great 
enough  to  have  effected  its  capture  and  de  Contrecceur 
waited  in  much  anxiety  for  what  might  happen  next. 
He  would  have  been  much  relieved  could  he  have  divined 
the  situation  of  his  enemies. 

Failing  to  get  his  men  to  make  a  stand  Braddock  was 
placed  on  a  litter  and  borne  slowly  along  the  way  which 
his  army  had  so  painfully  followed  in  their  advance  in  the 
morning.  The  soldiers  had  to  be  heavily  bribed  by 
Orme,  one  of  the  general's  aides,  and  a  friend  of  Wash 
ington — who  has  left  us  a  vivid  account  of  the  campaign, 
by  the  way — to  induce  them  to  carry  their  commander. 
Braddock,  who  seems  to  have  striven  to  do  his  duty  even 
in  the  articles  of  death,  that  night  despatched  Washing 
ton  to  Dunbar's  camp  at  Rock  Fort,  some  sixty  miles 
distant,  to  tell  the  story  and  give  him  orders  to  send  men 
and  wagons  to  receive  the  wounded. 

Washington  rode  at  reckless  speed  to  discharge  his 
errand.  Fast  as  he  went,  however,  the  wagoners,  col 
onists  all,  who  at  the  first  onset  had  cut  the  traces  and 
galloped  away,  were  ahead  of  him.  They  were  the  real 
cowards  of  the  day.  They  brought  the  news  of  the  anni 
hilation  of  the  army — the  first  one  who  came  in  actually 
declared  he  was  the  only  survivor!  Washington  found 
Dunbar  in  a  state  of  intense  perturbation.  Indeed,  his 
fear  amounted  to  cowardice.  However,  he  sent  a  troop 


236     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

of  soldiers  out  with  the  necessary  wagons  for  the 
wounded.  So  panic-stricken  had  his  men  become  that 
it  was  difficult  to  induce  them  to  go  forward.  Washing 
ton  led  them  back  over  the  road. 

On  the  1 2th  they  met  Braddock,  who  was  slowly 
dying.  They  made  him  as  comfortable  as  they  could 
and  finally  brought  him  to  Dunbar's  camp  at  Little 
Meadows.  There  he  died.  He  had  lain  all  day  in  a 
stupor,  saying  nothing.  Toward  evening  he  revived  a 
little  and  they  heard  him  murmur  again  and  again,  "  Who 
would  have  thought  it,  who  would  have  thought  it?  " 
and  just  as  the  sands  of  life  fled  away  he  whispered  softly, 
"  We  shall  know  better  how  to  deal  with  them  another 
time." 

Alas,  there  was  no  other  time  for  the  defeated  soldier. 
He  had  been  given  his  opportunity  and  had  lost  it.  He 
had  done  his  best  and  he  had  failed,  but  he  had  yielded 
up  his  life  in  the  failure.  I  think  of  him  pityingly,  kindly, 
tenderly. 

They  buried  him  in  the  gray  of  the  morning  in  the  road 
just  a  mile  from  Fort  Necessity.  There  was  neither 
pomp  nor  ceremony  in  his  funeral.  A  few  wounded 
officers  and  men  followed  him  to  his  grave,  where  the 
tall  young  Colonial  colonel  read  the  solemn  service  of 
the  Church  of  England,  as  they  laid  him  away.  I  doubt 
if  there  was  a  volley  fired  even.  They  drew  the  wagons 
over  his  last  resting  place  and  marched  the  troops  over 
it  to  conceal  it  lest  it  should  be  opened  and  violated  by 
the  Indians,  and  then  marched  on. 

44  No  useless  coffin  enclosed  his  breast, 

Not  in  sheet  or  in  shroud  we  wound  him ; 
But  he  lay  like  a  warrior  taking  his  rest, 
With  his  martial  cloak  around  him. 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  237 

"  Few  and  short  were  the  prayers  we  said, 

And  we  spoke  not  a  word  of  sorrow ; 
But  we  steadfastly  gazed  on  the  face  that  was  dead, 
And  we  bitterly  thought  of  the  morrow. 

"  Lightly  they'll  talk  of  the  spirit  that's  gone, 

And  o'er  his  cold  ashes  upbraid  him  ; 
But  little  he'll  reck,  if  they  let  him  sleep  on 
In  the  grave  where  a  Briton  has  laid  him." 

Dunbar  showed  himself  a  coward — they  called  him 
"  Dunbar  the  tardy  "  thereafter,  and  the  adjective  was,  if 
anything,  inadequate.  Against  the  advice  and  entreaty 
of  many  he  blew  up  and  destroyed  his  stores  and  sup 
plies  and  fled  incontinently  to  Philadelphia.  Shrewd  Dr. 
Franklin  was  right.  No  subscription  was  called  for  to 
celebrate  the  victory.  It  had  been  a  fearful  campaign. 
Such  a  crushing  defeat  had  probably  never  before  been 
inflicted  upon  the  English  arms. 

Poor  Braddock — his  memory  rather — was  made  the 
scapegoat,  yet  the  failure  was  not  due  so  much  to  the 
man  as  it  was  to  the  inadequacy  of  the  tactics  in  which 
he  and  his  men  had  been  trained  and  their  utter  useless- 
ness  in  such  an  emergency;  but  he  had  opened  the  eyes 
of  the  world  by  his  failure.  Yes,  he  had  opened  the  eyes 
of  the  colonies,  too.  The  halo  about  the  British  regular 
was  gone  forever.  Man  to  man  in  the  country  in  which 
they  lived,  they  knew  themselves  to  be  as  good  as,  if  not 
better,  than  he.  Washington,  Gates,  Hugh  Mercer,  and 
stout  old  Daniel  Morgan,  a  wagoner  who  had  not  run, 
and  who  had  fought  until  severely  wounded,  had  learned 
lessons  that  they  never  forgot.  For  some  insubordina 
tion  Morgan  had  been  punished — unjustly  he  claimed — 
by  five  hundred  lashes.  For  every  blow  laid  upon  him 
the  British  one  day  paid  a  fearful  price.  The  French  and 


238     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Indians  builded  better  than  they  knew  in  their  defeat  of 
the  English.  They  gave  to  America  a  demonstration 
of  the  possibility  of  success  against  the  finest,  best  drilled, 
best  equipped  soldiers  of  Europe. 

After  the  defeat  and  retreat  of  the  British  ensued  a 
scene  of  horror  in  the  west.  Washington  had  not  retired 
with  the  rest,  and  with  a  wretchedly  ineffective  provincial 
regiment  of  a  thousand  poorly  provided  men,  he  was  left 
at  Fort  Cumberland  to  protect  the  thousand  miles  of 
helpless  and  otherwise  undefended  frontier  from  the  in 
cursions  of  savages  who  had  quaffed  blood  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Monongahela  and  sought  to  drink  deep  of 
it  with  awful  success  before  they  were  satiated.  The 
homes  of  the  lonely  settlers  were  raided  and  destroyed, 
the  men  murdered,  the  women  outraged  and  the  chil 
dren  carried  into  captivity. 

The  consequences  of  the  English  disaster  were  thus 
visited  upon  the  wretched  inhabitants  of  the  country. 
Washington  did  all  that  mortal  man  could  do  with  the 
means  provided  to  protect  the  people  and  check  the  sav 
age  onslaught.  His  countrymen  thoroughly  appre 
ciated  not  only  his  brilliant  conduct  in  the  last  campaign 
which  might  have  been  less  disastrous  had  his  advice 
been  followed,  but  they  also  realized  the  importance  of 
his  service  in  protecting  the  frontier,  although  they  did 
but  little  to  help  him.  His  situation  was  indeed  deplor 
able. 

Writes  he  to  the  governor:  "  I  am  too  little  ac 
quainted  with  pathetic  language  to  attempt  a  description 
of  these  people's  distresses.  But  what  can  I  do?  I  see 
their  situation,  I  know  their  danger,  and  participate  in 
their  sufferings,  without  having  it  in  my  power  to  give 
them  further  relief  than  uncertain  promises.  .  .  . 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  239 

The  supplicating  tears  of  the  women,  and  moving  peti 
tions  of  the  men,  melt  me  into  such  deadly  sorrow,  that 
I  solemnly  declare,  if  I  know  my  own  mind,  I  could  offer 
myself  a  willing  sacrifice  to  the  butchering  enemy,  pro 
vided  that  would  contribute  to  the  people's  ease." 

Meanwhile,  during  all  these  happenings  the  flag  of 
France  still  waved  over  the  ramparts  of  Fort  Du  Quesne, 
and  the  Indians  and  French  were  yet  masters  of  the  val 
ley  of  the  Ohio. 


PART  IV 
THE   FRENCH   AND    INDIAN   WAR 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR   THE   PALLET  OF 
THE   OHIO 

III 

The  Final  Success 


THE    STRUGGLE    FOR    THE    VALLEY 
OF    THE    OHIO 

III.    THE   FINAL   SUCCESS 

I.    Grant's  Defeat 

FIVE  years  have  passed  since  young  George  Wash 
ington  left  Fort  Le  Bceuf  with  the  defiance  of  St. 
Pierre  in  his  hand;  years  crowded  with  thrilling 
experiences  and  hard  campaigns;  years  filled  with  re 
sponsibilities  which   had   developed   the  bold,   reckless, 
adventurous  young  man  into  a  hardy,  seasoned  soldier. 
Once  more  at  the  head  of  a  large  body  of  men  we  find 
him  at  Fort  Cumberland. 

It  is  late  in  the  autumn  of  1758.  Since  two  years  the 
false  peace  between  England  and  France  has  been  abro 
gated  and  they  are  engaged  in  a  life  and  death  struggle 
for  the  domination  of  a  continent.  Amherst  and  Wolfe 
have  taken  Louisbourg,  Abercrombie  has  been  disgrace 
fully  routed  at  Ticonderoga,  Bradstreet,  a  hardy  colonial 
soldier  from  Massachusetts,  by  a  bold  dash  has  captured 
Fort  Frontenac  on  Lake  Ontario,  and  Fort  Du  Quesne 
on  the  Ohio  is  at  last  cut  off  from  its  base  of  supplies. 
The  white  flag  still  waves,  however,  over  the  ramparts 
of  the  little  fort,  and  the  French  as  yet  maintain  their 
mastery  of  the  valley. 

Some  thirty  miles  north  of  Fort  Cumberland,  near  the 
little  village  of  Raystown,  in  a  rude  fortification  called 

243 


244     Colonial   Fights  and  Fighters 

Fort  Bedford,  which  gave  its  name  to  the  flourishing 
city  which  has  supplanted  it,  lies  an  English  officer.  He 
is  desperately  ill,  unable  to  walk  at  all,  and  must  fain 
travel  in  a  litter,  prosecuting  his  campaigning  under 
these  disadvantageous  circumstances  and  drawing  every 
breath  in  pain  and  anguish  unspeakable.  His  name  is 
John  Forbes.  Mark  it  well!  He  was  a  hero  if  ever  there 
was  one,  yet  he  is  practically  forgotten  by  everyone  ex 
cept  a  few  Philadelphians.  There  is  no  account  of  him 
for  instance  in  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  nor  is  he 
mentioned  in  that  monumental  work  the  Dictionary  of 
National  Biography. 

Perhaps  the  oblivion  which  has  been  attached  to  his 
memory  is  due  to  the  fact  that  he  did  not  participate 
either  in  a  great  victory  or  a  great  defeat,  and  his  quali 
ties  were  only  exhibited  in  a  hard,  desperate  and  success 
ful  campaign.  They  were  such  qualities,  however,  as 
entitle  him  to  a  high  and  honorable  place  in  the  military 
records  of  his  country.  And  he  seems  to  have  been  as 
capable  and  admirable  a  man  as  he  was  a  soldier. 

The  task  which  was  set  before  him  was  one  which  had 
baffled  the  power  of  England  and  America  for  five  years. 
In  attempting  to  encompass  it  they  had  met  a  repulse 
and  a  most  disastrous  defeat.  It  was  not  less  difficult 
when  he  essayed  it  than  when  Washington  had  tried  it 
or  when  Braddock  had  attempted  it.  The  campaign  was 
to  be  carried  on  under  exactly  the  same  conditions  and 
with  much  the  same  material,  and  the  same  difficulties 
were  to  be  overcome;  but  this  time  the  effort  was  crowned 
with  success.  The  success  was  due  to  the  commander. 

John  Forbes  was  a  Scottish  gentleman  of  parts  and 
ability.  He  was  born  of  a  good  family,  at  Petincrief, 
Fifeshire,  Scotland,  in  1710.  When  a  young  man  he 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  245 

had  studied  medicine  and  had  practised  his  profession 
until  he  had  been  able  to  indulge  his  inclinations  by  pur 
chasing  a  commission  in  the  British  army.  He  had  seen 
much  hard  service  in  the  continental  wars,  notably  at 
Fontenoy  under  Lord  Ligonier,  had  been  made  colonel 
of  the  Scots-Grays  in  1745,  and  afterward  of  the  Seven 
teenth  Foot.  He  had  been  adjutant  general  and  was 
now  promoted  brigadier  general  and  intrusted  with  the 
duty  of  reducing  Fort  Du  Quesne.  To  facilitate  him  in 
accomplishing  this  task  an  ample  force  was  allotted  to 
him.  He  had  the  Sixty-second  Highlanders,  twelve 
hundred  and  sixty  strong,  one  battalion  of  the  Royal 
Americans,  mostly  Pennsylvania  Germans,  numbering 
three  hundred  oud  sixty-three,  and  four  thousand  three 
hundred  and  fifty  provincial  troops.  The  regulars  were 
thoroughly  equipped  and  highly  efficient,  especially  the 
Royal  Americans,  a  regiment  recently  organized  in  this 
country,  but  the  provincial  troops  were  of  varying  qual 
ity  indeed.  Certainly  the  flower  of  these  last  were  some 
seventeen  hundred  Virginians,  commanded  by  Washing 
ton.  The  others  were  mostly  undisciplined,  ill-equipped, 
indifferent  soldiers  in  fact,  and  poorly  officered,  especially 
in  the  subordinate  ranks. 

Forbes  was  a  man  of  liberal  and  enlightened  views, 
courteous  in  his  bearing  and  tactful  in  his  methods,  but 
determined — terribly  resolute!  By  his  generous  and 
kindly  manner  he  attached  to  himself  those  whom  Brad- 
dock  and  his  officers  had  alienated  by  their  contempt. 
The  army,  with  the  exceptions  noted,  was  well  officered. 
The  general  was  himself  a  host. 

The  command  of  all  the  colonial  troops  had  been  given 
to  Washington,  with  such  men  as  Armstrong,  Byrd,  and 
Lewis  as  his  subordinates.  Certainly  Washington's  ex- 


246     Colonial   Fights  and  Fighters 

periences  in  the  preceding  five  years  made  him  an  in 
valuable  officer.  Indeed  it  is  not  generally  known  that 
Washington  had  been  a  close  student  of  military  science 
and  tactics;  the  lives  and  campaigns  of  the  great  masters 
of  the  art  of  war  were — and  they  continued  to  be  all  his 
life — his  favorite  objects  of  research.  This  study  and  his 
practical  experiences  fairly  entitled  him  to  admission  into 
the  ranks  of  the  professional  soldier,  in  which  category 
he  takes  no  mean  place.  It  is  a  mistake  to  consider  him 
an  untrained  militia  officer.  He  was  a  practised,  drilled, 
trained,  disciplined  veteran;  a  most  accomplished  officer, 
indeed;  one  who  could  have  commanded  a  regiment  or 
an  army  even,  with  credit  to  himself  and  success  to  his 
cause  anywhere. 

Among  Forbes'  other  officers  was  our  whilom  friend, 
Sir  John  St.  Clair,  just  as  obstinate,  just  as  arrogant,  just 
as  stupid,  just  as  incompetent  as  he  had  been  in  Brad- 
dock's  expedition.  He  had  his  old  place,  too,  and  he 
made  himself  thoroughly  and  heartily  detested.  A  man 
of  a  different  stamp,  however,  was  the  second  in  com 
mand  of  the  army,  the  lieutenant  colonel  commanding 
the  first  battalion  of  the  Royal  Americans.  This  last  was 
a  capital  regiment.  Its  several  battalions  did  splendid 
service  on  nearly  every  battlefield  on  the  continent  from 
Quebec  to  Du  Quesne.  The  name  of  this  officer  was 
Henry  Bouquet. 

He  was  a  Swiss  soldier  of  fortune  who  had  served  the 
Dutch,  the  Sardinians,  and  the  English,  and  was  a  veteran 
of  the  European  wars.  He  was  a  man  of  much  tact, 
address  and  resource;  well  able  to  adapt  himself  to  the 
conditions  of  Indian  warfare;  after  a  little  observation 
and  experience  he  actually  devised  effectual  means  for 
beating  the  savages  at  their  own  game. 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  247 

There  had  been  hot  discussion  as  to  the  best  method 
of  approaching  the  object  of  their  endeavor.  Washing 
ton  was  inclined  toward  Braddock's  road,  which,  by  this 
time,  for  the  major  part  of  it  at  least,  had  become  a  thor 
oughly  practicable  way  on  account  of  the  travel  which 
made  good  use  of  it.  Forbes,  however,  decided  to  cut 
his  way  through  Pennsylvania,  much  to  the  disgust  and 
disappointment  of  the  Virginians.*  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
the  making  of  a  road  would  do  much  to  open  western 
Pennsylvania  to  settlement.  As  Virginia  wished  to 
monopolize  the  expected  trade  with  the  new  country  she 
was  interested  in  preventing  the  building  of  this  road, 
while  Pennsylvania  was  correspondingly  eager  to  bring 
it  about. 

It  is  an  interesting  question,  for  instance,  whether  the 
development  of  the  Roman  Empire  was  due  to  the 
prowess  of  the  Legions  or  to  the  industry  of  the  road 
builders.  Certainly  the  conquests  won  by  the  sword 
could  not  have  been  held  but  for  the  toilsome  labor  of 
the  axe,  the  pick,  and  the  shovel.  And  that  was  to  be 
the  case  in  this  instance. 

When  the  decision  had  been  arrived  at,  Colonel  Bou 
quet  had  been  sent  forward  with  two  thousand  men  to 
make  the  road.  He  was  now  encamped  at  Loyalhannon, 
some  forty  miles  west  of  Raystown,  and  about  thirty 
miles  from  Fort  Du  Quesne.  Forbes'  idea  was  to  dot 
his  road  with  forts  which  would  be  capable  of  defend 
ing  themselves  against  any  force  liable  to  be  brought 
against  them,  which  would  act  as  storehouses  and  de 
pots  of  equipment,  supply  resting  places  for  his  army 
in  its  various  stages  of  progress  westward,  and  would 
also  afford  rallying  points  by  which  to  check  retreat  in 

*See  map  on  page  216  for  a  portion  of  Forbes'  route. 


248     Colonial   Fights  and  Fighters 

case  of  defeat  or  disaster.     He  cautiously  determined  to 
leave  nothing  to  chance. 

The  new  way  was  to  be  no  mere  trail  cut  through  the 
woods  and  over  the  mountains,  but  a  fairly  made  road 
upon  which  great  labor  was  expended.  Washington, 
when  the  orders  had  reached  him,  with  Colonel  Byrd 
and  Major  Lewis,  and  the  Virginians,  had  marched  from 
Fort  Cumberland  to  Raystown,  and  had  thence  pro 
ceeded  to  the  advance  post  at  Loyalhannon.  The 
weather  in  Pennsylvania  in  the  fall  is  usually  mild  and 
agreeable,  but  an  exception  to  the  ordinary  conditions 
unfortunately  prevailed,  for  the  rain  fell  in  torrents  con 
tinuously,  flooding  the  road,  washing  away  the  embank 
ments  and  almost  destroying  the  labors  of  the  builders. 
Travel  upon  the  new  road,  unless  it  was  to  be  cut  to 
pieces,  was  indefinitely  suspended  for  some  time.  While 
they  were  waiting,  Bouquet,  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of 
Major  Grant,  one  of  his  subordinates,  allowed  him  to  take 
a  detachment  comprising  six  hundred  of  the  Highland 
ers  of  the  Sixty-second  and  make  a  reconnoissance  in 
force  of  Fort  Du  Quesne.  It  was  important  that  knowl 
edge  of  the  situation  should  be  procured  for  the  general, 
and  Grant  set  forward  with  strict  instructions  to  confine 
his  efforts  to  observation  and  not  to  bring  on  an  engage 
ment.  With  him  went  two  companies  of  Washington's 
regiment,  commanded  by  Major  Lewis  and  Captain  Bul- 
litt.  Instead  of  the  regulation  outfit  of  the  provincial 
soldiers,  these  men  were  dressed  in  hunting  shirts  and 
leggins,  as  were  most  of  Washington's  command,  the 
prototypes  in  uniform  of  the  famous  riile  regiments  which 
Daniel  Morgan  led  "  from  the  right  bank  of  the  Po 
tomac  "  in  the  Revolution.  Grant's  total  force  was 
about  seven  hundred  and  fifty. 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio   249 

Lewis  and  Bullitt  were  experienced  frontier  fighters 
and  the  party  guided  by  them  and  by  some  friendly  Ind 
ians  had  no  difficulty  in  reaching  the  ridge  which  over 
looks  Fort  Du  Quesne.  The  fort  was  now  under  the 
command  of  de  Ligneris,  who  had  so  ably  seconded 
Dumas  at  the  battle  on  the  Monongahela.  It  was  night 
when  they  reached  the  heights  and  of  necessity  if  they 
wanted  to  see  anything  they  would  have  to  wait  until 
morning.  Strictly  speaking  there  was  nothing  for  them 
to  do  but  to  reconnoitre  if  they  kept  within  their  orders. 

Grant  being  informed  by  his  Indian  scouts  that  the 
garrison  was  small — which  was  a  mistake — and  that  there 
were  but  a  few  Indians  about — which  was  another — con 
ceived  the  rash  design  of  enticing  the  French  and  their 
Indian  allies  into  an  ambuscade,  which,  if  successful, 
would  enable  him  to  demand,  and  probably  to  receive, 
the  surrender  of  the  fort,  which  would  be  a  thing  greatly 
to  his  credit  and  certain  to  bring  him  high  reward.  He 
therefore  detached  Lewis  to  make  a  detour  and  get  a 
position  from  which  he  could  attack  the  hoped-for  sally 
ing  party  of  the  garrison  in  the  rear,  and  then  proceeded 
to  make  other  arrangements  for  the  expected  onset. 

Unfortunately  in  the  thick  darkness  Lewis  lost  his  way 
and  when  morning  dawned  had  not  yet  secured  the  de 
sired  position,  much  to  Grant's  disappointment.  In  fact 
he  was  forced  to  bring  his  detachment  back  to  the  main 
body.  He  had  not  succeeded  in  getting  anywhere.  A 
little  thing  like  that,  however,  did  not  amount  to  much 
in  the  mind  of  the  British  soldier  who  was  laying  his  cun 
ning  plans,  and  when  Lewis  rejoined  him  after  aimlessly 
marching  about  all  night,  he  stationed  him  with  Bullitt 
and  the  Virginians  on  the  ridge  with  the  baggage  of 
the  detachment  to  allow  his  men  to  get  a  little  rest. 


250     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

He  concluded  that  he  could  manage  the  affair  with  the 
Highlanders — the  old  story  of  the  invincible  British 
regular  again — and  he  instructed  Lewis  to  advance  when 
the  battle  was  joined  and  attack  the  enemy  in  the  flank. 
Thus,  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle  he  deprived  himself 
of  his  most  experienced  Indian  fighters.  Then  having 
made  such  disposition  of  his  canny  Scots  as  he  could, 
he  determined  to  commence  operations. 

It  was  a  damp,  foggy  morning,  the  I4th  of  Septem 
ber,  1758,  and  Grant  had  not  yet  been  able  to  see 
much  of  the  fort  and  the  adjacent  country.  For  the 
same  reason  the  French  appear  to  have  been  ignorant 
of  his  proximity.  It  was  necessary  to  inform  them  of 
his  presence  in  order  to  begin  the  game,  so  he  actually 
directed  his  drummers  and  buglers  to  play  the  reveille! 
They  played  it  and  the  French  woke  up.  There  were 
some  fifteen  hundred  in  the  fort  besides  hundreds  of  Ind 
ians!  They  awoke  with  a  promptness  and  completeness 
that  was  fairly  dazzling.  With  their  Indian  allies  they 
came  swarming  out  of  the  fort  in  a  hurry;  so  hasty  were 
their  movements  that  many  of  them  were  but  partially 
dressed.  They  all  had  weapons,  however,  and  they  all 
seemed  to  know  just  what  to  do. 

The  ambuscade  was  a  miserable  failure  of  course. 
Neither  Grant  nor  his  Highlanders  had  the  slightest 
practical  knowledge  of  such  a  thing.  Taking  advantage 
of  their  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  topography  and 
their  long  experience  in  this  sort  of  warfare,  the  French 
and  Indians  soon  surrounded  the  Highlanders  and  threw 
them  into  utter  confusion.  The  opening  scenes  of  Brad- 
dock's  defeat  were  again  enacted.  This  time,  however, 
the  Highlanders  had  sense  enough  not  to  stand  up  and 
be  shot  uselessly — or  possibly  they  lacked  a  bulldog  like 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  251 

Braddock  to  keep  them  up  to  their  work.  At  any  rate 
they  broke  and  fled. 

Lewis  advanced  promptly  enough  at  the  designated 
time,  but  the  French  had  so  manoeuvred  as  to  throw 
Grant's  men  entirely  away  from  the  path  of  Lewis'  ad 
vance  and  the  latter  marched  blindly  into  the  open  arms 
— firearms — of  the  French  and  Indians.  His  men,  al 
though  surprised,  put  up  a  sharp  fight  but  were  over 
powered  and  he  himself  was  captured. 

Meanwhile  the  Highlanders  in  frantic  terror  fled 
through  the  woods,  the  French  and  Indians  in  hot  pur 
suit  after  them.  Grant  protesting  unavailingly  was 
swept  along  with  them.  As  he  was  nearest  the  foe, 
having  most  reluctantly  retreated,  he  was  surrounded 
and  his  surrender  demanded.  "  My  heart  is  broke,"  he 
cried,  "  I  will  not  survive  the  day."  Stung  with  rage 
and  mortification  he  refused  to  yield  and  proceeded  to 
put  up  a  most  desperate  fight  until  he  was  overwhelmed 
by  numbers  and  captured. 

Back  on  the  ridge  Bullitt  and  his  Virginians  had  heard 
the  firing  and  had  seen  the  evidence  of  the  rout  and  they 
made  brave  preparation  to  do  their  part  to  retrieve  the 
day  and  cover  the  disaster.  The  Highlanders  came 
streaming  past  them  in  panic  terror  and  it  was  hard  work 
for  the  little  handful  of  colonial  troops  to  resist  the  temp 
tation  to  join  in  the  rout,  but  Bullitt  kept  them  well  in 
hand  and  when  the  French  and  Indians  appeared  there 
began  one  of  the  hottest  little  engagements  ever  fought 
in  Pennsylvania.  The  Virginians  stood  their  ground 
manfully  and  showed  the  result  of  Washington's  train 
ing.  They  were  a  great  credit  to  him.  The  pursuit  was 
checked  and  the  flying  Highlanders  were  enabled  to  get 
such  a  start  that  they  were  in  no  danger  of  being  over- 


252     Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

taken.  After  fifty  of  Bullitt's  men  had  been  killed  and 
wounded  the  French  gave  over  the  attack  and  pursuit 
and  returned  to  the  fort,  leaving  Bullitt  to  march  back 
to  Loyalhannon  with  the  honors  of  war. 

The  young  man  was  highly  complimented  for  his  gal 
lantry  and  skill  and  was  at  once  promoted  by  Forbes. 
The  loss  of  the  foolish  expedition  was  two  hundred  and 
seventy-three  killed  and  wounded  and  a  few  captured. 
The  remainder  of  the  detachment  straggled  back  to  the 
camp  after  arduous  experiences.  It  was  a  costly  and 
needed  lesson.  The  French,  elated  with  their  success, 
despatched  a  heavy  force  to  attack  Bouquet's  position  at 
Loyalhannon,  but  although  they  met  with  some  success 
with  the  outlying  detachments,  they  were  presently 
beaten  off  after  a  smart  engagement  and  forced  to  re 
tire. 

II.    Forbes*  Achievement  and  Death 

A  short  time  after  this  rout,  the  sick  and  suffering- 
Forbes  was  brought  up  with  the  advance.  The  season 
was  late,  the  weather  still  unpropitious  and  the  sentiment 
of  the  army  was  in  favor  of  postponing  further  at 
tempt  until  the  following  year.  A  council  of  war  was 
had  which  unanimously  reached  this  conclusion.  That 
Forbes  should  determine  to  disregard  the  advice  of  such 
men  as  Washington  and  Bouquet  and  press  on  to  com 
plete  the  work  is  an  evidence  of  his  qualities.  Not  for 
nothing  did  they  call  this  obstinate  Scot  "  Iron  Head." 
With  unabated  resolution  he  gave  orders  to  continue  the 
advance. 

On  November  i8th,  leaving  the  main  body,  which  had 
at  last  reached  Loyalhannon,  at  that  place,  they  pressed 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  253 

on  with  some  twenty-five  hundred  of  the  best  men 
stripped  to  the  lowest  possible  equipment  and  without 
tents,  even.  They  marched  rapidly,  covering  fifty  miles 
in  less  than  five  days.  They  were  much  encouraged  by 
news  which  they  received  from  some  deserters  and 
friendly  Indians  that  de  Ligneris — taking  it  for  granted 
on  account  of  the  lateness  of  the  season  and  the  disastrous 
losses  the  British  had  sustained  in  the  defeat  of  Grant's 
detachment,  that  they  would  give  over  the  attempt — had 
materially  reduced  his  garrison  by  sending  the  greater 
part  of  it  to  Canada.  There  was  another  reason,  how 
ever,  for  his  action.  He  had  not  provisions  enough  to 
keep  them  in  the  valley  during  the  winter.  Bradstreet's 
destruction  of  the  depot  at  Fort  Frontenac  had  made  it 
impossible  for  him  to  receive  the  usual  supplies  from 
Canada. 

That  was  not  the  worst  of  it  either.  The  cup  of  the 
French  was  filled  by  another  circumstance.  The  Indi 
ans,  who  had  been  their  stanch  friends,  supporters,  and 
allies,  had  at  last  been  alienated  from  them  and  they  could 
neither  get  anything  to  eat  from  them  nor  could  they 
count  upon  their  support  in  the  campaign.  The  credit 
for  this  important  and  vital  move  in  detachment  must 
be  divided  between  two  men.  Forbes  had  realized  the 
necessity,  and  at  the  same  time  fathomed  the  possibility 
of  this  undertaking. 

The  Indians  were  a  purchasable  commodity,  in  the 
market  invariably  at  the  command  of  the  highest  bidder. 
The  cutting  of  the  French  line  of  communication  and 
their  failure  to  receive  any  supplies  for  bribery  or  barter, 
with  which  to  subsidize  and  retain  their  savage  allies, 
had  already  caused  much  discontent  among  the  Indians. 
The  savages  were  not  without  a  shrewd  idea,  too,  that 


254     Colonial   Fights  and  Fighters 

the  end  of  the  French  power  had  almost  arrived  in  the 
valley.  Forbes  was  setting  about  his  work  in  a  way 
which  predicated  success,  and  the  Indian,  like  most 
people,  was  not  averse  to  getting  on  the  winning  side. 
However,  these  dreams  of  Forbes  would  probably  have 
come  to  naught  had  he  not  succeeded  in  finding  an  agent 
to  undertake  the  labor  of  explanation  and  persuasion. 

This  was  the  Rev.  Christian  Frederick  Post,  a  Mo 
ravian  missionary  endowed  with  a  heroism,  determina 
tion,  and  wisdom  that  might  well  have  become  a  Jesuit. 
This  courageous  and  devoted  man  ventured  into  the 
Indian  country.  There  he  quaintly  likened  himself  to 
Daniel  in  the  Lion's  Den,  and  the  simile,  if  anything,  is 
inadequate — it  is  an  insult  to  the  lions.  I  think  the  great 
hearted  follower  of  Zinzendorf  and  his  Master  was  actu 
ated  and  inspired  by  the  knowledge  that  if  he  could 
detach  the  Indians  from  the  French  alliance  there  would 
be  peace  on  the  desolate  blood-swept  frontier. 

Post  had  not  only  to  persuade  the  Indians,  but  he 
actually  had  to  do  it  in  the  very  presence  of  the  French 
emissaries  and  officers,  who  did  everything  possible  to 
nullify  his  mission.  Rewards  were  put  upon  his  head  by 
them  and  savage  bands  set  on  his  track  to  capture  and 
kill  him,  but  God  preserved  him  and  he  accomplished  his 
end — a  dauntless  man  indeed.  The  Indians  generally 
were  won  over  to  the  Americans,  and  for  the  first  time 
since  the  beginning  of  the  war  western  settlements  were 
freed,  in  great  measure,  from  apprehension  of  massacre 
and  rapine. 

There  were  councils  galore,  at  which  speeches  were 
made,  pipes  smoked,  hatchets  buried,  peace  belts  ex 
changed  and  agreements  ratified.  Amid  them  all  the 
heroic  Moravian  stands  supreme.  Honor  to  Christian 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  255 

Frederick  Post,  Missionary  and  Man,  as  one  of  the  de 
fenders  and  protectors  of  the  frontier.  Yet,  he,  too,  is 
another  forgotten  hero.  One  cause  of  Forbes*  slow 
progress  lay  in  the  necessary  delays  to  enable  these  vari 
ous  treaties  and  arrangements  to  be  consummated. 

But  to  return  to  the  expedition.  Urged  on  by  the 
indomitable  persistence  of  the  dying  soldier  the  march 
was  resumed  from  Loyalhannon.  On  the  24th  of  No 
vember  they  reached  a  point  about  twelve  miles  from 
,  the  fort.  As  they  encamped  there,  late  in  the  evening, 
they  were  greeted  by  the  dull  reverberations  of  distant 
explosions.  They  wondered  what  could  be  the  expla 
nation,  and  many  of  them  surmised  the  cause  of  it. 

The  next  morning  the  march  was  taken  up  again. 
The  army  moved  in  three  parallel  columns;  that  on  the 
right  was  commanded  by  Washington,  that  in  the  centre 
by  Forbes  still  borne,  like  Marshal  Saxe  on  his  litter,  and 
that  on  the  left  by  Bouquet — a  splendid  trio  for  brilliant 
service.*  Washington  from  his  knowledge  and  experi 
ence  had  been  constantly  thrown  in  advance  during  the 
march  and  he  now  led  the  way.  Presently  toward  even 
ing  they  reached  the  ridge  that  overlooked  the  clearing 
where  Grant  had  been  defeated.  As  they  gazed  out  from 
beneath  the  trees  across  the  opening,  they  marked  the 
courses  of  the  Allegheny  and  the  Monongahela,  they 
could  see  where  the  two  swept  together  to  form  the 
mighty  Ohio,  but  where  they  had  hoped  to  catch  a 
glimpse  of  the  bastions  of  the  fort  with  the  French  flag 
waving  over  them,  they  saw  nothing  but  blackened, 

*  The  Indians  had  noticed  and  derided  a  commander  who  had  to  be  carried 
on  a  litter,  and  to  counteract  their  impression  ' '  it  was  given  out  by  the  Eng 
lish  that  the  British  chief  had  a  temper  so  impetuous,  irascible  and  com 
bative,  that  it  was  not  thought  safe  to  trust  him  at  large  even  among  his  own 
people,  but  that  the  practice  was  to  let  him  out  on  the  eve  of  battle  /" 


256     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

smoking  ruins.  The  French,  surprised  by  the  rapid  ap 
proach  and  realizing  that  with  their  depleted  garrison 
they  could  make  no  effective  defence,  had  blown  up  the 
works  and  fled  the  night  before. 

Washington  was  among  the  first  to  enter  the  remains 
of  the  fort.  Colonel  Armstrong  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Colonials  hoisted  the  English  flag  over  it  and  the  French 
were  forever  dispossessed  from  the  valley  of  the  Ohio. 
It  was  a  bloodless  termination  of  much  high  endeavor 
and  expensive  effort,  yet  it  was  well  worth  the  cost  and 
it  was  most  fit  that  the  young  man  whose  eye  had  marked 
it  as  the  situation  for  a  fort  when  the  place  was  yet  a  vir 
gin  wilderness,  should  be  in  charge  of  those  who  floated 
the  flag  of  England  over  the  ruined  walls  at  the  last. 

This  was  the  end  of  their  campaign.  There  yet  re 
mained  to  the  victors  two  melancholy  duties.  As  the 
Highlanders  marched  into  the  remains  of  the  enclosure 
their  hearts  were  filled  with  rage  and  fury,  for  upon 
rows  of  stakes  were  set  the  scalped  heads  of  many  of 
their  comrades  who  had  been  killed  in  Grant's  expedi 
tion.  Below  them  on  their  mutilated  bodies  hung  the 
plaids  and  kilts  nailed  up  to  express  the  derision  of  the 
French  and  Indians  for  what  they  were  pleased  to  call 
"  petticoat  soldiers."  They  were  unable  to  take  any  re 
venge,  however,  as  the  French  were  gone,  and  they  could 
do  nothing  except  to  give  the  poor  remains  an  honorable 
burial  in  the  lone  clearing  by  the  banks  of  the  Ohio. 

One  of  the  officers  in  Forbes'  command  was  Brigade- 
Major  Halket,  the  son  of  that  commander  of  the -Forty- 
fourth  regiment  who  had  fallen  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Monongahela  three  years  before.  Led  by  some  of  the 
Indians  who  had  participated  in  the  conflict,  but  who 
were  now  their  friends,  a  party  of  soldiery  commanded 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio   257 

by  Washington  visited  the  fatal  field.  They  found  it 
much  as  it  had  been  left  after  the  bloody  defeat.  The 
trees  about  the  place  where  the  British  made  their  fruit 
less  stand  still  showed  the  scars  of  bullets,  many  of  which 
were  found  embedded  in  the  trunks.  Broken  carts  and 
weather-beaten,  shattered  equipments  mingled  with  the 
bleaching  bones  which  had  been  picked  clean  by 
wolves  and  vultures  and  had  been  whitened  by  the  rains 
and  snows  and  storms  of  the  intervening  years.  Near 
where  the  baggage  had  been,  the  remains  of  two  skele 
tons  were  found,  one  apparently  lying  across  the  breast 
of  the  other.  Major  Halket  identified  that  of  his  father 
by  some  peculiarities  in  his  teeth,  the  other  was  that  of  his 
brother  who  had  fallen  and  died  in  that  position,  and  the 
chroniclers  report  that  the  bereaved  soldier  fainted  at 
the  ghastly  sight. 

The  bodies  of  the  two  officers  were  reverently  interred 
with  military  honors,  and  the  men  ranged  over  the  field 
and  gathered  up  all  the  other  bones  and  put  them  in  a 
common  grave,  paying  them  the  last  solemn  rites  of  a 
soldier.  Once  again  the  roar  of  guns  rang  through  the 
woods,  but  this  time  it  was  the  requiem  of  those  who  had 
died  so  pitiably  so  many  years  before.  It  is  said  that 
Benjamin  West,  the  great  painter,  was  one  of  those  who 
participated  in  this  solemn  ceremony.  Would  that  he 
had  made  a  picture  of  it! 

Although  it  is  not  a  matter  of  record  that  Washington 
did  so,  I  have  often  surmised  that,  as  he  had  read  the 
prayers  of  his  Church  over  the  body  of  the  general,  so  he 
may  have  done  the  same  thing  over  the  bones  of  his  sol 
diery.  What  emotions  must  have  arisen  in  the  heart  of 
that  young  man  as  he  thought  of  all  that  had  happened 
since  he  had  first  gazed  upon  that  field,  as  he  passed  in 
17 


258     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

review  the  incidents  of  that  never-to-be-forgotten  day  of 
defeat? 

If  there  was  sadness  in  the  retrospect,  there  was  joy  in 
the  future.  His  soldiering  was  over.  He  had  done  his 
full  share  of  campaigning,  his  service  had  been  arduous 
and  brilliant,  and  in  the  end  successful.  The  French 
were  driven  from  the  valley,  there  was  little  fear  of  their 
return,  the  Indians  had  been  pacified,  the  frontier  was 
safe,  no  enemy  menaced  the  Old  Dominion,  he  could  re 
sign  the  army  with  honor.  His  approaching  marriage 
rendered  it  desirable,  as  the  successful  campaign  rendered 
it  possible,  for  him  to  leave  the  service.  The  cause  of 
the  French  was  doomed,  it  was  readily  seen,  and  he  was 
not  needed  elsewhere  in  bringing  about  the  final  down 
fall  of  their  arms.  So  he  retired  from  his  command. 

He  had  been  elected  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Assem 
bly  and  there  is  a  pretty  little  story  reported  of  a  scene 
which  took  place  the  following  year  when  he  first  took 
his  seat.  The  thanks  of  the  Assembly  were  unanimously 
voted  to  him  for  his  courage  and  conduct.  The  young 
man,  taken  by  surprise,  rose  to  reply.  He  was  only  able 
to  enunciate  a  few  stammering  sentences  when  he 
stopped  in  confusion,  unable  to  proceed,  staring  at  the 
speaker,  blushing  painfully  the  while. 

"  Sit  down,  Mr.  Washington,"  said  the  latter  smiling, 
"  your  modesty  equals  your  valor,  and  that  surpasses  the 
power  of  any  language  I  possess."  This  flattering  re 
mark  probably  added  greatly  to  his  perturbation!  He 
had  indeed  deserved  well  of  his  country  in  his  youth. 
And  in  his  character  and  career  men  afterward  read  the 
prophecy  of  his  future.  What  of  the  devoted  Forbes? 

After  rebuilding  the  fort,  or  replacing  it  with  a  tem 
porary  structure  which  he  called  Fort  Pitt,  after  the  great 


Struggle  for  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  259 

war  minister,  and  leaving  Hugh  Mercer  with  two  com 
panies  of  provincials  to  garrison  it,  he  started  back  to 
Philadelphia — to  die.  Five  hundred  miles  of  the  sever 
est  travelling  intervened  between  him  and  his  rest.  He 
had  been  sustained  and  buoyed  up  in  his  illness  on  the 
advance,  by  the  prospect  of  the  attainment  of  the  object 
of  his  endeavor;  but  when  his  task  was  completed  the 
inspiration  to  struggle  was  lost.  In  a  pitiable  condition 
from  the  deadly  inflammation  of  the  bowels  from  which 
he  suffered,  and  from  a  complication  of  consequent  ail 
ments,  he  was  carried  back  through  the  mountains  tow 
ard  Philadelphia.  Every  arrangement  that  was  possible 
was  made  for  his  comfort  by  his  solicitous  soldiers,  al 
though  that  is  not  saying  much. 

A  detachment  was  kept  constantly  ahead  of  the  army 
with  instructions  to  build  a  hut  and  kindle  a  warm  fire  in  it 
ready  for  the  general  wherever  a  halt  was  made.  On  one 
occasion,  through  some  misunderstanding,  when  even 
ing  terminated  the  day's  march  the  unfortunate  soldier 
found  neither  hut  nor  fire.  He  was  forced  to  lie  with 
out  shelter  in  the  wintry  cold  for  two  hours.  He  nearly 
died  then  and  there.  Through  the  storm  and  cold  of 
the  winter  he  was  borne  slowly  if  steadily  on,  growing 
weaker  with  each  passing  day.  It  was  a  terrible  journey, 
but  it  was  ended  at  last  when  he  reached  Philadelphia  on 
the  1 4th  of  January,  1759,  amid  the  ringing  of  bells,  the 
firing  of  cannon  and  the  joyful  enthusiasm  of  the  people. 
He  had  completed  his  task  and  brought  his  army  safely 
back  to  its  base  of  supplies;  then,  having  finished  his 
course,  he  died  on  the  nth  of  March,  having  drawn  his 
breath  in  pain  and  anguish  for  many  days.  Not  many 
who  died  in  that  Annus  Mirabilis  have  a  better  title  to 
honor  and  remembrance  than  he. 


26o     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

"  When  the  souls  of  men  are  tried 

In  old  time  or  latest  day, 
They  who  for  our  land  have  died — 

Count  them  not  of  common  clay. 
God  of  battles  in  Thy  keeping 
Guard  the  weary  soldier  sleeping." 

He  is  buried  in  the  chancel  of  Christ  Church,  Phila 
delphia — the  exact  spot  being  undetermined — where  a 
tablet  to  his  memory  has  recently  been  erected  by  the 
Society  of  Colonial  Wars.  From  it  I  quote: 

"  By  a  steady  pursuit  of  well-conducted  measures,  in 
defiance  of  disease  and  numberless  obstructions,  he 
brought  to  a  happy  issue  a  most  extraordinary  cam 
paign,  resulting  in  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Du  Quesne, 
and  made  a  willing  sacrifice  of  his  own  life  to  what  he 
loved  more,  the  interest  of  King  and  Country." 

An  annual  service  within  the  walls  of  that  ancient  edi 
fice  recalls  his  services  and  awakens  fresh  local  interest  in 
his  character  and  his  name.  Aside  from  that  I  do  not 
think  anybody  particularly  recalls  him,  yet  the  final  ex 
pulsion  of  the  French  from  that  valley  which  is  now  teem 
ing  with  industry,  the  home  of  a  great,  prosperous,  and 
thrifty  people,  and  the  centre  of  world-wide  activities, 
is  due  to  his  indomitable  persistence,  his  unwearying  de 
termination,  his  lofty  devotion,  his  utter  self-sacrifice, 
which  he  carried  out  even  to  the  giving  up  of  his  life. 

No  one  who  traverses  that  populous  and  prosperous 
section  of  our  country  can  be  indifferent  to  the  story  of 
the  two  men  who  are  suitably  conjoined  by  the  posses 
sion  of  common  characteristics  as  well  as  by  personal 
associations.  They  wrested  the  valley  of  the  Ohio  from 
the  French  and  the  Indian  and  gave  it  to  civilization 
and  progress.  These  two  are  John  Forbes  and  George 
Washington. 


PART  IV 
THE   FRENCH   AND    INDIAN   WAR 

IV 

The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga 


THE    FIGHTING   AROUND    TICON- 
DEROGA 

I.  The  Grand  Expedition 

WHILE  James  Wolfe  is  winning  his  spurs  amid 
the  surf  at  Louisbourg — Milesian  mixture  of 
metaphor,  that — his  great  antagonist,  to  be, 
is  demonstrating  his  capacity  in  the  forests  about  Ticon- 
deroga. 

The  genius  of  Pitt  had  conceived  a  plan  for  striking 
the  French  simultaneously  at  every  vital  point.  John 
Forbes  we  have  seen  toiling  through  the  mountains  of 
Pennsylvania  toward  the  valley  of  the  Ohio.  Boscawen 
and  Amherst  are  battering  away  at  the  stone  walls  of 
Louisbourg,  Abercrombie  is  expected  to  pierce  the  centre 
by  marching  up  the  immemorial  warpath  of  the  nations 
formed  by  the  valleys  of  the  Hudson  and  the  Richelieu. 
In  other  words,  the  centre  and  both  flanks  were  to  be  at 
tacked  simultaneously  in  force.  While  the  loss  of  Du 
Quesne  and  of  Louisbourg  on  either  hand  would  be  most 
serious,  the  shattering  of  the  centre  would  be  fatal,  there 
fore,  like  a  wise  and  prudent  commander,  Montcalm  in 
person  took  charge  of  the  preparations  to  repel  Aber 
crombie. 

That  general  was  a  respectable  gentleman  about  fifty- 
two  years  of  age,  devoid  of  the  faintest  spark  of  military 
genius  and  as  incapable  a  commander  as  ever  "  set  a 

263 


264     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

squadron  in  the  field  " — "  a  heavy  man,"  "  infirm  in  body 
and  mind."  Why  Pitt  ever  allowed  this  mentally  "  im- 
ponderous  rag  of  circumstance  "  to  command  this  most 
important  expedition,  when,  in  every  other  instance,  he 
had  ruthlessly  insisted  upon  appointing  men  upon  whom 
he  could  depend,  whose  capacity,  ability,  and  success, 
proved  the  accuracy  of  his  judgment,  is  a  mystery.  It 
is  stated,  however,  that  out  of  deference  to  public  opinion, 
which  he  was  not  yet  strong  enough  to  disregard,  or 
rather  which  was  not  yet  enlisted  upon  his  side,  and  on 
account  of  certain  influential  connections  of  Abercrom- 
bie's,  he  was  allowed  to  retain  the  command.  Pitt 
sought  to  obviate  the  danger  of  such  a  situation  by  as 
sociating  with  him  as  his  second,  Brigadier  General 
George  Augustus,  Viscount  Howe,  an  officer  of  the 
highest  merit  and  rare  capacity,  who  was  to  have  the 
real  charge  of  the  operations.  Although  young  in  years, 
thirty-four,  his  experience  had  been  large  and  his  suc 
cesses  brilliant.  He  possessed  the  family  genius  for  war. 
Of  him  Wolfe  said  he  was  "  the  noblest  Englishman 
that  has  appeared  in  my  time  and  the  best  soldier  in  the 
British  army."  High  praise  indeed  and  from  such  a 
source.  In  addition  to  his  qualities  as  a  soldier  his  per 
sonal  characteristics  were  such  as  to  endear  him  to  every 
man,  English  or  Colonial,  in  his  following.  He  was,  in 
fact,  the  very  idol  of  the  Provincial  soldiery,  and  after 
his  death  Massachusetts  erected  a  memorial  to  him  in 
Westminster  Abbey.  Had  he  lived  he  might  have  made 
as  great  a  name  for  himself  on  land  as  his  brother  and 
successor,  Admiral  Richard,  Earl  Howe,  "Black  Dick," 
did  upon  the  sea.  Had  he  not  been  killed  in  an  obscure 
skirmish  in  the  woods  of  America  the  American  Revo 
lution  might  never  have  been  fought,  or  with  him  in 


The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga  265 

command  of  the  King's  troops  might  have  come  a  differ 
ent  conclusion  to  the  struggle. 

The  bullets  that  struck  down  Henry  Bouquet,  James 
Wolfe,  and  George  Howe  did  inestimable  service,  strange 
as  it  may  seem  to  say  it,  to  the  cause  of  human  freedom. 
They  were  great  and  heroic  men,  two  of  them  at  least 
did  valiant  service  before  they  died,  and  the  other  bade 
fair  to  equal  them.  But  they  all  died  in  early  manhood. 
Their  fate  recalls  to  mind  a  phrase  of  Lew  Wallace's. 
Speaking  of  Montezuma,  after  he  had  been  spurned  by 
his  own  people  and  struck  down  by  their  arms,  the  author 
of  the  "  Fair  God  "  describes  his  face  as  the  face  of  a  man 
breaking  because  he  stood  in  God's  way.  Were  these 
men  laid  low  because  standing  they  might  have  been  in 
the  way  of  God's  plan  for  the  achievement  of  civil  liberty 
in  a  great  continent?  Who  knows? 

The  force  which  Pitt  had  created  for  the  advance  up 
the  valley  was  in  every  way  ample.  Abercrombie  was 
in  charge  of  six  thousand  British  regulars  and  nine  thou 
sand  Provincials.  The  Provincials  were  well  organized 
and  equipped  and  were  in  effect  regular  soldiers.  There 
was  a  regiment  of  Rangers,  too,  under  the  command  of 
the  daring  and  successful  partisan  and  pioneer,  Robert 
Rogers,  and  a  regiment  of  boatmen  commanded  by  the 
dashing  Colonial  Colonel  Bradstreet.  In  tne  British 
contingent  Charles  Lee,  who  had  been  one  of  Braddock's 
officers,  and  who  was  afterward  the  traitorous  insubordi 
nate  second  of  Washington,  held  a  commission. 

Among  the  Colonial  officers  were  two  destined  to  na 
tional  tame,  Major  Israel  Putnam  and  Captain  John 
Stark.  Both  of  these  men  were  honored  with  the  friend 
ship  of  Howe,  who  was  quick  to  detect  their  sterling 
worth.  Among  the  British  regulars  the  most  noted 


266     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

body  of  men  were  the  Forty-second  Highlanders,  famil 
iarly  known  as  the  Black  Watch,  from  their  sombre  tar 
tans  of  black,  dark  blue  and  dark  green ;  they  were  under 
the  command  of  Major  Duncan  Campbell  of  Inverawe. 

The  army  was  accompanied  by  a  formidable  artillery 
train  and  was  well  provided  with  every  requisite  neces 
sary  for  successful  marching  or  fighting.  Great  care 
had  been  exercised  in  every  particular,  and  no  better 
equipped  body  of  men  ever  set  forth  upon  a  campaign. 
Under  Howe's  direction  the  unwieldy  British  uniforms 
had  been  discarded  or  altered  to  suit  the  men  for  such 
marching  as  they  were  expected  to  undertake.  The 
long  skirts  of  the  coats  had  been  cut  off,  the  heavy  cum 
brous  mitred  hats  had  been  thrown  aside,  leggins  had 
been  provided,  the  bright  barrels  of  the  muskets  had 
been  browned  to  give  no  sign  of  their  presence  in  the 
woods,  and  so  on. 

It  was  expected  that  they  would  brush  aside  every  ob 
stacle  and  terminate  their  advance  at  Montreal.  No 
body  seemed  to  doubt  that  they  would  succeed  in  doing 
so.  Between  them  and  their  goal,  however,  lay  a  little 
French  army  under  the  command  of  the  military  chief 
of  Canada,  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm,  a  soldier  of  the 
first  rank.  Inconsiderable  in  numbers,  it  was  high  in 
quality,  and  was  composed  of  some  of  the  best  troops 
of  France. 

On  the  peninsula  of  Ticonderoga,  situated  at  the  point 
where  the  waters  of  the  river  connecting  Lake  George 
and  Lake  Champlain  flow  into  the  latter,  the  French,  in 
1755,  under  the  direction  of  the  engineer  Lotbiniere, 
had  erected  a  fort  destined  to  be  one  of  the  most  famous 
spots  in  American  history. 

Long  before  the  arquebuse  of  Champlain  rang  the 


The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga  267 

death  knell  of  Indian  supremacy  there  in  1609,  the  little 
peninsula  had  been  the  scene  of  many  a  bloody  battle. 
Scarcely  any  place  on  the  continent  is  so  full  of  roman 
tic  reminiscence.  The  haughty  Iroquois,  the  dashing 
French,  the  stubborn  English,  the  stolid  German,  the 
hardy  colonists,  have  all  held  the  post  in  turn.  Millions 
of  money  have  been  spent  in  fortifying  it,  and  its  soil  is 
consecrated  by  the  blood  of  hundreds  of  brave  men. 
Here  the  dauntless  Jesuit  rested  on  those  wild  journeys 
where  he  bore  the  cross,  told  its  story,  and  died  upon  it. 
Here  Ethan  Allen  had  formulated  his  famous  demand. 
Here  men  first  heard  of  Benedict  Arnold.  Here  Bur- 
goyne  enjoyed  his  one  solitary  moment  of  victory  in  that 
grand  expedition  of  conquest  which  was  to  cut  the 
United  States  in  two. 

The  waters  that  laved  these  shores  had  borne  the  keels 
of  the  flotillas  of  Champlain,  Frontenac,  Montcalm,  Aber- 
crombie,  and  Amherst;  upon  the  lake  hard  by,  Arnold 
fought  his  hapless  but  heroic  battle;  and  a  generation 
later,  MacDonough  hammered  the  British  fleet  into  de 
feat  by  the  mighty  broadsides  of  the  Saratoga.  A  mass 
of  crumbling  ruins  upon  a  low  bluff  marks  the  spot  to 
day  and  brings  up  before  the  thoughtful  traveller  the 
memory  of  much  that  is  tragic  and  terrible  in  American 
history.  Aye,  'tis  hallowed  ground ! 

The  old  fort  stood  between  the  lake  and  the  river  on 
a  little  plateau  whose  rocky  sides  dropped  down  toward 
narrow  stretches  of  marshy  ground  bordering  the  water 
on  either  hand.  The  plateau  extended  in  widening  angle 
and  with  gradually  increasing  elevation  for  some  distance 
inland  until  it  reached  a  certain  point,  where  it  sloped 
gradually  in  all  directions  to  the  valley  reaching  on  either 
side  to  the  water  level.  The  spot  was  not  particularly 


268     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

well  chosen  for  defence  against  a  skilled  enemy  provided 
with  artillery,  although  English,  French,  and  Americans, 
in  succession,  with  singular  fatuity,  clung  to  the  location 
as  a  suitable  one  for  a  fort.  Across  the  river  to  the  south 
ward  rose  a  difficult  but  not  inaccessible  mountain  called 
in  that  day  Rattle  Snake  Mountain,  and  now  known  as 
Mount  Defiance.  The  distance  from  this  mountain  to 
the  plateau  was  inconsiderable,  for  a  battery  of  cannon 
placed  upon  the  crest  would  have  commanded  it  with 
ease.  In  fact,  Burgoyne  forced  the  evacuation  of  Ticon- 
deroga  in  1777  by  that  very  expedient.* 

The  surrounding  country  save  where  it  was  threaded 
by  a  few  Indian  trails  was  an  impenetrable  wilderness, 
rocky  and  mountainous  in  the  extreme  as  well.  The 
river  connecting  the  two  lakes  ran  through  a  series  of 
wild  and  romantic  rapids  impracticable  for  boats.  A 
portage  road,  bearing  a  relation  to  the  river  like  that 
of  a  string  to  a  bow,  had  been  cut  by  the  French  from 
the  foot  of  Lake  George  to  the  river  near  to  its  entrance 
upon  Lake  Champlain,  a  short  distance  beyond  the  in 
land  termination  of  the  plateau.  This  road  was  about 
two  miles  long.  The  French  defensive  works  had  been 
erected  at  the  Lake  George  end  of  it,  and  at  the  other 
end  a  saw  mill  was  placed. 

On  the  5th  of  July,  1758,  the  English  army,  which  had 
been  slowly  assembling  at  the  head  of  Lake  George,  em 
barked  in  boats  and  proceeded  down  the  lake.  There 
were  nine  hundred  bateaux  and  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
five  whale-boats.  The  army  advanced  in  three  divisions, 
the  regulars  in  the  centre,  in  their  brilliant  uniforms  of 
scarlet,  Rogers  and  his  Rangers,  and  Gage  with  the  light 
infantry — we  have  seen  him  before  also  with  Braddock — • 

*  See  my  book,  American  Fights  and  Fighters.     Saratoga  Campaign. 


The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga  269 

in  the  lead;  the  Colonials  in  their  new  blue  uniforms  were 
in  two  divisions  on  either  flank. 

Lake  George  is  one  of  the  most  romantic  and  beauti 
ful  sheets  of  water  on  this  or  any  other  continent.  The 
shores  now  rise  in  graceful  undulations  to  some  distant 
tree-clad  lofty  mountain  peak,  or  fade  away  in  some  blue 
range  of  far-off  hills;  or  again  they  spring  in  awe-inspiring 
altitude  in  sheer  and  precipitous  cliffs  above  the  water's 
edge.  The  sparkling  surface  of  the  lake  is  dotted  with 
lovely  islands,  the  luxuriant  trees  of  which  overhang  the 
banks,  making  cool,  inviting  retreats,  restful  and  refresh 
ing  to  boatman  and  voyager. 

Now,  it  is  surrounded  by  the  homes  of  the  care-free, 
the  pleasure-loving,  the  wealthy.  Then  the  tree-clad 
hills  were  untenanted  save  by  the  scouting  parties  of  dif 
ferent  armies,  or  bands  of  haughty  and  ferocious  Iroquois 
ranging  the  forest  glades.  The  vast  flotilla,  the  largest 
armed  force  which  had  collected  on  the  continent,  moved 
rapidly  and  in  orderly  precision  down  the  lake.  The 
flags  fluttered  in  the  bows  of  the  boats,  bands  sent  the 
echoes  of  martial  music  ringing  across  the  water  and 
among  the  hills.  And  the  picture  was  delightful,  or 
would  have  been,  had  there  been  any  spectator  to  mark 
their  progress. 

II.  The  End  of  Lord  Howe 

Montcalm  was  in  a  fearful  state  of  uncertainty.  He 
had  with  him  but  three  thousand  men  of  whom  four  hun 
dred  were  Colonial  regulars  and  Canadian  militia.  No 
reinforcement  could  by  any  possibility  reach  him  at  that 
date  except  a  little  party  of  some  five  hundred  men  under 
de  Levis,  a  soldier  scarcely  less  able  than  Montcalm  him 
self. 


270     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

The  French  general  was  too  good  a  soldier  not  to 
realize  the  possibilities  of  the  situation.  He  knew  that 
successfully  to  maintain  his  position  at  Fort  Ticonderoga 
— which,  by  the  way,  the  French  called  Fort  Carillon, 
from  what  sweet  chime  of  bells,  I  wonder?  Some  priestly 
call,  perhaps !  or  was  it  from  the  music  of  the  river  rush 
ing  over  the  rocky  rapids  hard  by? — was  a  military  im 
possibility. 

In  the  first  place  its  fatal  weakness  lay  in  the  fact  that 
it  was  commanded  by  Mount  Defiance,  so  that  if  the 
English  planted  guns  there  they  would  have  the  garri 
son  at  their  mercy.  There  were  but  eight  days'  provi 
sions  in  the  fort  for  his  men,  too.  Should  Abercrombie 
regularly  besiege  him,  he  would  be  starved  out  in  a  week. 
If  he  remained  where  he  was  the  English  force  was  large 
enough  to  allow  one  half  of  it  to  invest  the  fort  while 
the  other  half  could  march  up  to  Five  Mile  Point,  where 
the  lake  narrowed  to  easy  musket-shot  range,  and  cut 
his  communications  and  prevent  his  retreat.  Yet  to  re 
treat  without  striking  a  blow,  would  be  virtually  giving 
up  the  whole  of  Canada  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  It 
would  mean  the  abandonment  of  every  French  post  south 
and  west  of  Montreal,  including  the  lonely  forts  in  the 
valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  the  distant  Mississippi. 

He  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  go.  It  was  a  terri 
ble  dilemma;  either  going  or  staying  seemed  to  presage 
destruction.  It  is  evident  from  his  movements  that  he 
was  in  a  state  of  great  indecision.  What  he  hoped  to 
accomplish  with  three  thousand  men  against  twenty-five 
thousand,  which  was  the  number  his  scouts  accredited 
to  Abercrombie,  is  not  clear.  Yet  he  stayed,  perhaps 
with  the  feeling  that  it  were  better  to  fight,  even  if  de 
feated,  than  give  up  everything  without  a  struggle. 


The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga  271 

Some  of  his  officers  were  for  retreat,  others  suggested 
that  an  intrenchment  might  be  thrown  up  on  the  crest 
of  the  plateau  which  extended  from  the  river  to  the  lake, 
forming  the  base  of  the  triangle  of  which  Ticonderoga 
was  the  apex,  and  that  the  English  might  be  met  there 
with  some  chance  of  success.  That  would  not  materially 
alter  the  situation,  however;  the  works  would  still  be 
commanded  from  Mount  Defiance,  no  intrenchments 
they  could  make  would  be  of  any  permanence,  as  they 
could  easily  be  destroyed  by  artillery.  They  could  be 
blocked,  intercepted,  and  starved  out  as  before.  Still, 
there  could  be  no  harm  in  trying  it.  In  fact  there  was 
nothing  else  to  do,  and  if  they  intended  to  fight  they  would 
need  the  breastwork.  Montcalm  certainly  intended  to 
fight,  so  he  sent  the  regiment  Berri  to  begin  the  intrench 
ment.  Leaving  a  small  garrison  in  the  fort  proper,  with 
the  main  body  of  his  troops  he  took  post  at  the  saw  mill 
on  the  river,  sending  a  strong  party  under  de  Bourla- 
maque  to  cover  the  beginning  of  the  portage. 

On  the  6th  of  July,  he  despatched  Captains  Lagny  and 
Trapezec  with  three  hundred  men  to  pass  around  on  the 
western  side  of  the  connecting  river  and  feel  for  the  Eng 
lish.  Abercrombie  had  stopped  to  rest  his  men  at  Sab 
bath  Day  Point,  twenty-five  miles  down  the  lake,  and 
twelve  miles  from  the  outlet,  on  the  evening  of  the  5th, 
resuming  his  advance  about  eleven  at  night  so  that  the 
next  morning  the  army  approached  the  foot  of  the  lake. 
The  French  post  covering  the  portage  thereupon  de 
stroyed  the  bridges  crossing  the  river,  abandoned  and 
set  fire  to  their  works,  and  retreated  to  Montcalm's  camp. 
On  the  morning  of  the  6th,  the  English  army  passing 
down  beyond  the  sheer  face  of  Rogers  rock  on  the  left, 
debarked  on  the  western  side  of  the  river  in  some  open 


272      Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

ground  bordering  the  shore.  Arrangements  for  the 
march  were  completed  by  noon.  It  was  determined  to 
march  around  the  river  until  they  came  in  touch  with 
Ticonderoga,  which  they  would  formally  invest,  and  then 
bring  up  the  artillery  and  force  a  surrender. 

Rogers  with  his  Rangers  led  the  advance.  Following 
him  came  the  army  in  four  parallel  columns,  with  Lord 
Howe  and  Israel  Putnam  at  the  head  of  the  right  centre 
column,  which  was  slightly  in  advance  of  the  other  three. 
The  bateaux,  boats,  guns,  supplies,  etc.,  were  left  at  the 
landing  place.  There  were  no  roads  through  the  woods, 
the  Indian  trail  would  scarcely  suffice  for  a  single  file  of 
men;  the  bewildered  guides  soon  lost  their  way,  and  the 
four  columns  disappeared  and  became  hopelessly  lost  in 
the  forest,  which  was  thick,  trackless,  and  choked  with 
undergrowth.  The  density  of  the  wood  even  obscured 
sounds,  and  half  a  mile  away  a  watcher  would  have  been 
ignorant  of  the  fact  that  some  fifteen  thousand  men  were 
buried  in  the  wilderness.  Even  Lagny,  an  experienced 
woodsman,  became  confused  after  a  time,  and  lost  all 
sense  of  his  whereabouts,  but  wandered  aimlessly  in  the 
waste  of  trees  until  late  in  the  afternoon  the  French  sud 
denly  came  in  touch  with  the  right  centre  column. 

Howe  and  Putnam  were  still  in  the  lead.  Both  par 
ties  were  greatly  surprised.  The  French,  however,  were 
quicker  to  recover  themselves  than  the  English,  and  they 
poured  in  a  smart  fire.  Lord  Howe  fell  dead  at  the  first 
discharge,  with  a  bullet  in  his  heart.  For  a  few  moments 
the  French  drove  back  the  startled  and  disorganized 
English,  who  outnumbered  them  ten  to  one,  but  Rogers 
heard  the  sound  of  firing  and  turned  toward  it.  He  hap 
pened  to  be  within  convenient  distance.  His  men 
plunged  through  the  wood  and  burst  out  upon  the  flank 


The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga  273 

of  the  Frenchmen.  Of  the  three  hundred,  one  hundred 
and  fifty  were  captured,  one  hundred  were  killed,  and  but 
fifty  got  away.  The  English  loss  was  inconsiderable  in 
number,  but  the  killing  of  Lord  Howe  was  an  incompara 
ble  disaster.  As  Parkman  says,  "  the  death  of  one  man 
was  the  ruin  of  fifteen  thousand."  In  spite  of  their  success 
in  the  encounter,  the  noise  of  the  smart  engagement,  as 
he  heard  the  firing  through  the  trees,  filled  Abercrombie 
with  apprehension  that  Montcalm  was  upon  them  with 
his  whole  army.  The  advance  was  halted  and  he  kept 
the  troops  under  arms  all  night.  Early  in  the  morning 
he  withdrew  from  the  forest  and  led  the  army  back  to  the 
landing  place.  Under  the  circumstances  it  was  the 
proper  thing  to  do,  and  possibly  the  only  wise  thing  the 
unfortunate  commander  ever  conceived  or  attempted. 

Tired,  hot,  and  disgusted,  worn  out  with  a  sleepless 
night,  saddened  by  the  death  of  Howe,  the  army  waited 
the  next  move.  His  prisoners  told  Abercrombie  that 
the  force  of  Montcalm  amounted  to  six  thousand  men 
and  that  a  reinforcement  of  three  thousand  more  was 
expected  immediately.  He  determined,  therefore,  to 
move  up  the  portage  road  which  Bradstreet  with  his 
Colonials  had  reconnoitred  and  found  deserted,  and  to 
attack  Montcalm  the  next  morning,  the  8th.  Brad- 
street  had  done  more  than  reconnoitre.  He  had  rebuilt 
the  burned  bridges  and  the  road  was  entirely  practicable 
not  only  for  soldiers,  but  for  artillery  as  well.  In  his 
hurry  to  get  at  the  enemy,  however,  before  that  expected 
reenforcement  appeared,  Abercrombie  determined  to 
carry  the  French  position  by  a  coup  de  main.  He  pushed 
his  troops  up  the  road  therefore,  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
7th,  and  occupied  the  deserted  French  camp  near  the  saw 
mill  in  the  evening. 
18 


B — Entrenchment 
C— Battlefield. 
D — Sawmill. 


Sketch  of  Country  Around  Ticonderoga  and  Siege  of  Louisbourg. 


The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga  275 


III.    On  the  Hill  of  Death 

Montcalm  had  on  the  evening  of  the  6th  at  last  come 
to  a  decision.  His  previous  experience  had  not  given 
him  any  great  amount  of  respect  for  the  English  com 
manders,  and  he  resolved  to  hazard  himself  and  his  army 
upon  the  chance  that  the  English  general  would  turn 
out  to  be  a  fool!  It  was  a  dangerous  risk,  but  in  the  end 
was  justified.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  death  of  Lord 
Howe  he  would  have  failed.  When  he  did  make  up  his 
mind  he  acted  with  his  usual  energy.  He  decided  to 
await  the  English  attack  on  the  crest  of  the  plateau. 

He  broke  camp  at  the  saw  mill  that  night  and  returned 
to  the  plateau  where  the  regiment  Berri  had  begun  the 
intrenchment.  The  lines  were  traced  in  zigzag  shape, 
much  as  the  old-fashioned  rail  fence — snake  fence — was 
laid  out.  They  ran  completely  around  the  crest  in  three 
fourths  of  a  circle,  open  in  the  rear  toward  the  fort.  On 
the  low  ground  on  either  flank  of  the  breastwork,  strong 
parties  were  to  be  posted  with  such  cover  as  they  could 
make,  to  prevent  the  flanks  from  being  turned — much 
like  the  men  at  the  rail  fence  at  Bunker  Hill. 

The  lines  having  been  marked  out,  the  regimental  flags 
were  planted  upon  them  early  on  the  morning  of  the  7th, 
and  everybody  in  the  army  without  respect  to  rank,  axe 
in  hand,  set  to  work.  The  French  officers,  stripped  to 
their  shirts,  labored  with  the  rest.  Such  was  the  ardor 
with  which  they  toiled,  that  in  one  day  they  had  com 
pleted  a  breastwork  of  logs  eight  feet  high,  piled  upon 
each  other  in  this  zigzag  fashion,  so  that  every  part  of 
it  could  be  enfiladed. 

For  a  musket-shot  distance  from  the  hill  the  trees  on 


276     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

every  side  were  cut  down  and  left  lying  with  their 
branches  pointing  toward  the  direction  of  the  British  ad 
vance.  In  front  of  the  intrenchment  where  the  ground 
was  clearer,  a  rough  and  ready  but  exceedingly  danger 
ous  abattis  of  trees  and  branches  with  sharpened  points 
toward  the  enemy  had  been  laid.  Loop-holes — in  some 
instances  three  rows — had  been  cut  in  the  logs,  which 
were  topped  with  bags  of  sand  and  sods,  and  behind  which 
a  small  banquette  had  been  erected.  Mounted  upon  the 
work  were  a  few  small  pieces  of  artillery,  mainly  swivels. 
The  intrenchment  was  impregnable  to  musketry,  but  half 
a  battery  of  field  guns  could  have  knocked  it  to  pieces 
in  an  hour. 

Our  hearts  go  out  even  in  this  day  to  that  gallant  little 
band  of  Frenchmen,  cheerfully  facing  fearful  odds,  out 
numbered  actually  five  to  one,  and  in  their  imaginations, 
eight  to  one,  lying  behind  a  breastwork  which,  while  it 
was  dreadfully  dangerous  to  infantry,  could  have  stood 
the  fire  of  artillery  for  no  time.  With  but  eight  days' 
provisions  in  their  haversacks,  in  imminent  danger  of 
having  their  retreat  cut  off,  their  courage  was  superb. 
Like  every  great  soldier,  Montcalm  inspired  the  devotion 
and  won  the  courage  of  his  troops.  They  looked  to  him, 
trusted  him,  and  confidently  awaited  the  battle.  In  their 
confidence  he  could  not  share,  and  it  is  probable  that  he 
never  passed  a  more  anxious  night  in  his  life. 

About  noon  on  the  8th  the  French  caught  the  first 
glimpse  of  their  foes.  Solid  masses  of  red  appeared  just 
out  of  gun  shot  on  the  edge  of  the  timber.  Interspersed 
among  the  British  regiments  and  extending  to  the  right 
and  left  were  the  blue-uniformed  Provincials,  the  hunting 
shirts  of  the  Rangers,  and  there  in  splendid  force,  the  one 
thousand  tartans  of  the  Black  Watch.  The  French  were 


The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga  277 

ready.  They  were  drawn  up  in  three  lines  behind  the 
breastworks.  A  generous  breakfast  had  been  served  to 
them,  and  every  preparation  long  since  made.  Mont- 
calm  in  his  shirt  sleeves,  for  the  day  was  warm,  had  visited 
every  part  of  his  intrenchment,  cheering  and  inspiriting 
his  men  as  he  well  knew  how,  and  charging  them  not  to 
fire  until  he  gave  the  word. 

On  the  slopes  of  Mount  Defiance,  toward  which, 
doubtless,  many  anxious  glances  must  have  been  cast  by 
the  French  officers,  expecting  every  moment  to  hear  the 
roar  of  guns  from  the  crest  sounding  the  death  knell  of 
their  hopes,  a  large  body  of  Iroquois,  some  four  hundred 
in  number,  under  Sir  William  Johnson,  opened  a  scat 
tering  rifle  fire  which  at  that  distance  proved  entirely 
ineffective.  During  the  rest  of  the  day  the  savages  con 
tented  themselves  with  watching  the  ghastly  storm  of 
battle  going  on  beneath  their  feet. 

Abercrombie's  plan  consisted  in  making  a  direct  attack 
upon  the  works.  His  artillery  lay  at  the  landing  place, 
inactive  and  useless.  A  young  subaltern  of  engineers, 
named  Clerk,  a  man  of  no  experience  whatsoever,  who 
had  been  but  six  months  in  the  service,  had  examined 
the  French  work  from  Mount  Defiance  and  had  reported 
to  Abercrombie  that  it  could  easily  be  carried.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  Abercrombie  himself  had  ever  seen 
it.  Other  men  of  less  military  prestige  but  more  experi 
ence  thought  differently,  and  John  Stark  made  strenuous 
representations  which  were  unheeded.  Stark  and  Howe 
had  been  great  friends.  Stark  tells  how  he  and  Howe 
lying  upon  the  same  blanket  a  few  nights  before,  had 
discussed  the  situation  of  Ticonderoga,  with  which  Stark 
was  familiar.  So  confident  was  Abercrombie  of  captur 
ing  the  French  work  out  of  hand,  that  he  gave  strict 


278     Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

orders  to  his  soldiers  that  they  should  not  fire,  but  that 
they  should  carry  everything  with  the  bayonet! 

About  one  o'clock  the  attack  began.  The  British, 
their  drums  beating,  marched  out  from  the  shelter  of  the 
trees  cheering  loudly  and  made  for  the  fort  in  three  col 
umns.  Immediately  they  found  themselves  entangled 
in  the  fallen  trees.  Scrambling,  climbing,  and  pushing 
their  way  through  the  interlacing  boughs,  they  got  over 
the  awful  obstacle  at  last,  and  with  lines  now  utterly  dis 
organized  made  a  rush  forward  over  the  stump-encum 
bered  ground  toward  the  abattis  and  the  intrenchment. 

The  white  flags  were  fluttering  gracefully  in  the  gentle 
breeze  over  the  fort,  but  otherwise  there  was  not  a  sign 
of  life  until  the  British  advance  had  almost  reached  the 
abattis.  At  that  instant,  the  enclosure  gave  forth  a  sheet 
of  flame  followed  by  the  crash  of  musketry  and  the  roar 
of  cannon.  The  heads  of  the  columns  were  literally 
swept  away  by  the  sudden  discharge  repeated  again  and 
again  by  the  French,  with  cheers  and  cries  of  "  Vive  le 
Roil  Vive  noire  General  I "  The  swearing,  cursing, 
startled,  helpless  Englishmen  were  driven  back  until  they 
struggled  into  the  timber  again,  where,  entangled  in  the 
branches,  many  of  them  were  killed  by  the  steady  stream 
of  bullets  and  grapeshot. 

Disregarding  the  order  about  confining  the  attack  to 
the  bayonet  they  at  once  opened  a  furious  fire  upon  the 
French,  but  it  was  only  when  some  rash  whitecoat  ex 
posed  himself  that  they  were  able  to  do  any  damage. 
The  New  England  sharpshooters  in  the  trees,  however, 
did  some  good  service,  and  many  of  the  French,  in 
cautiously  leaving  their  shelter,  were  picked  off.  Again 
the  English  and  Provincials,  with  splendid  courage 
rallied,  formed  up,  and  with  head  down  charged,  bull-like, 


The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga  279 

at  that  death-dealing  enclosure.  Some  of  them  actually 
forced  their  way  to  the  foot  of  the  wall  in  spite  of  the 
abattis,  but  there  they  stopped,  they  could  do  no  more. 

With  dauntless  courage  they  assaulted  no  less  than  six 
times  during  the  course  of  the  afternoon.  They  tried  it 
on  the  right  flank  against  de  Levis,  who  with  his  five 
hundred  had  arrived  that  morning;  they  tried  it  on  the 
left  flank  under  de  Bourlamaque,  and  in  both  cases  were 
beaten  back. 

After  the  first  attempt  word  was  sent  back  to  Aber- 
crombie,  who  remained  at  the  saw  mill,  asking  what  they 
should  do,  and  his  reply  was  a  reiteration  of  his  foolish 
orders.  They  should  charge  forward  and  take  it.  That 
was  all.  And  with  the  blind  obedience  of  faithful  sol 
diers  the  maddened  regiments  hurled  themselves  again 
and  again  upon  the  French  line.  "  It  was  magnificent, 
but  it  was  not  war."  The  general  did  send  some  bateaux, 
which  had  been  transported  from  Lake  George,  down 
the  river  in  an  attempt  to  get  in  the  rear  of  the  French 
intrenchments,  but  when  they  reached  the  desired  posi 
tion  they  were  within  range  of  the  guns  of  the  fort,  which 
opened  fire,  and  after  three  of  them  had  been  sunk  the 
rest  retired. 

IV.    The  Last  Charge  of  the  Black  Watch 

Meanwhile  the  services  of  the  Black  Watch  were  con 
centrated  for  one  final  attempt  upon  the  extreme  right 
of  the  fort.  It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  when  these  mag 
nificent  soldiers  in  solid  column  burst  from  the  trees  and 
made  for  the  white  flag.  With  a  deathless  heroism  which 
foreshadowed  the  conduct  of  that  other  Highland  regi 
ment,  the  Ninety-third,  at  a  similar  English  defeat  before 


280     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

New  Orleans,  in  1815,  the  men  of  the  Forty-second  ad 
vanced,  led  by  their  dauntless  major. 

They  struggle  through  the  trees,  they  cross  the  clear 
ing,  they  reach  the  abattis.  The  way  of  their  advance 
is  lined,  with  fallen  men,  but  with  the  greatest  courage, 
even  the  wounded,  lying  upon  the  ground  forget  them 
selves  and  shriek  out  that  the  regiment  must  go  on  and 
leave  them  lying  where  they  fall.  Desperate  to  the  point 
of  recklessness  they  surmount  the  abattis,  tear  aside,  cut 
it  down,  get  over  it  in  some  fashion.  Major  Campbell  is 
shot  down  here,  but  they  press  on  nevertheless.  They 
reach  the  wall  of  trees,  spring  upon  it.  Their  bonneted 
heads  peer  down  upon  the  enemy,  some  of  them  leap 
over.  They  are  in  at  last.  The  French  at  the  point  of 
impact  give  way. 

Truly,  it  was  superb,  but  useless,  unavailing.  Another 
Campbell  with  some  twenty  officers  and  men  got  into  the 
fort.  The  situation  was  critical.  There  was  fighting  all 
along  the  line.  At  the  same  time  another  column  of  the 
English  made  a  final  demonstration  against  other  parts 
of  the  intrenchments.  Montcalm  ran  to  the  spot  in  per 
son.  The  regiment  Bern  was  held  in  reserve.  De  Levis 
put  himself  at  their  head  and  they  moved  down  upon  the 
Scotsmen.  Those  in  the  fort,  disdaining  to  beg  for  quar 
ter,  fought  desperately,  back  against  the  wall,  until  they 
were  bayoneted  where  they  stood.  Those  upon  the  out 
side  were  hurled  back  and  the  regiment  at  last  doggedly 
and  sullenly  retreated,  followed  by  the  cheers  of  the 
Frenchmen,  after  having  given  such  an  exhibition  of 
magnificent  courage  as  has  not  often  been  seen  in  the 
history  of  war.  Over  half  of  them  had  fallen. 

They  carried  with  them  the  helpless  body  of  their 
dauntless  major,  who  had  been  shot  beneath  the  walls  and 


The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga   281 

was  severely  wounded.  It  was  the  last  effort  of  the  Eng 
lish.  They  could  do  no  more  in  that  method  of  attack. 

The  fighting  was  over.  More  than  two  thousand 
Englishmen  lay  still  and  silent  or  writhing  and  groaning 
from  terrible  wounds,  on  the  slopes  of  that  ghastly  hill. 
Men  in  red,  men  in  blue,  men  in  hunting  shirt,  men  in 
the  dark  tartan — all  were  there  mingled  in  common  and 
dreadful  death.  Horrible  to  relate,  some  of  them  had 
been  shot  as  they  leaped  at  the  abattis  and  their  bodies 
were  hanging  impaled  on  the  stakes — and  some  were  yet 
alive  in  that  situation.  On  the  French  side,  so  furious 
had  been  the  British  attacks,  that  in  spite  of  the  shelter 
of  the  fortification,  no  less  than  four  hundred  had  been 
killed  or  wounded,  including  de  Levis  slightly,  and  de 
Bourlamaque,  severely. 

This  is  what  Montcalm  said  about  his  victory  in  a  letter 
to  his  wife.  He  exaggerated  the  force  of,  and  the  casual 
ties  sustained  by,  the  English,  but  that  is  pardonable  in 
his  excitement  over  the  result  of  the  battle.  The  truth 
was  enough: 

"  Without  Indians,  almost  without  Canadians  or  col 
ony  troops — I  had  only  four  hundred — alone  with  de 
Levis  and  Bourlamaque  and  the  troops  of  the  line,  thirty- 
one  hundred  fighting  men,  I  have  beaten  an  army  of 
twenty-five  thousand.  They  repassed  the  lake  precipi 
tously  with  a  loss  of  at  least  five  thousand.  This  glorious 
day  does  infinite  honor  to  the  valor  of  our  battalions.  I 
have  no  time  to  write  more.  I  am  well,  my  dearest,  and 
I  embrace  you." 

And  to  a  friend  he  wrote:  "  Ah,  my  dear  Doriel,  what 
soldiers  are  ours!  I  never  saw  the  like.  Why  were  they 
not  at  Louisbourg?  "  He  forgot  that  James  Wolfe — and 
not  Abercrombie — was  there! 


282     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

The  day  after  the  battle  he  erected  an  immense  cross 
of  timber  upon  the  field  which  bore  the  following  Latin 
legend  composed  by  himself — he  was  a  scholar  as  well  as 
a  soldier,  it  would  seem: 

"  Quid  dux  ?  quid  miles  ?  quid  strata  ingentia  ligna  ? 
En  signum !  en  victor !  Deus  hie,  Deus  ipse  triumphal. " 

Parkman  translates  the  lines  as  follows: 

"  Soldiers  and  chief  and  rampart's  strength  are  nought, 
Behold  the  conquering  Cross  !  Tis  God  the  triumph  wrought." 

And  he  adds  Montcalm's  own  paraphrase: 

"  Chretien  !  ce  ne  fut  point  Montcalm  et  la  prudence, 

Ces  arbres  renverse"s,  ces  heros,  leurs  exploits, 
Qui  des  Anglais  confus  ont  brise*  1'espe'rance, 

C'est  le  bras  de  ton  Dieu,  vainqueur  sur  cette  croix." 

So  there  you  have  the  triumph  celebrated  in  three  lan 
guages. 

The  elation  of  the  French  at  their  tremendous  victory 
can  scarcely  be  imagined.  They  were,  however,  in  a 
critical  situation.  Amherst  had  thirteen  thousand  men 
yet  available  and  all  his  artillery.  He  might  bring  it  up 
on  the  morrow  and  resume  the  battle,  which  would  prob 
ably  have  a  different  termination.  They  expected  he 
would  do  it.  So  did  everyone  else.  Fortunately  for  the 
French,  however,  he  did  nothing  of  the  kind.  Imagining 
that,  the  six  thousand  he  supposed  to  have  manned  the 
intrenchments  would  be  augmented  by  the  three  thou 
sand  which  he  had  heard  were  coming,  he  broke  camp  the 
next  morning  and  fled  down  the  lake  with  all  speed, 
abandoning  valuable  supplies  and  stores  of  all  kinds  in 
his  possession! 


The  Fighting  Around  Ticonderoga  283 

The  attempt  to  pierce  the  centre  had  failed  lamentably, 
and  in  that  failure  the  English  had  sustained  prodigious 
loss.  Cape  Breton  had  fallen,  and  so,  too,  would  Fort 
Du  Quesne,  but  Montcalm  and  his  veterans  still  held  the 
heart  of  the  continent,  and  it  needed  the  grim  wager  of 
battle  on  the  stern  shore  of  St.  Lawrence  about  Cape 
Diamond  and  Quebec  before  it  should  be  determined 
who  should  master  this  half  of  the  world.  It  was  most 
fitting  that  the  final  arbitrament  should  be  tried  out  by 
the  two  great  captains  in  wrhose  proud  record  of  victories 
shone  the  names  of  Louisbourg  and  Ticonderoga. 

We  scarcely  know  whether  to  marvel  more  at  the  au 
dacity  of  Montcalm,  the  stubborn  courage  of  his  men, 
the  stupidity  of  Abercrombie,  or  the  magnificent  hardi 
hood  of  the  soldiers  he  led.  The  battle  was  a  shameful 
one,  but  the  shame  was  with  the  general.  The  soldiers 
on  that  day  had  shown  themselves  to  be  worthy  of  the 
highest  praise. 

Nothing  succeeds  like  success,  of  course,  and  the  end 
seems  to  have  justified  Montcalm's  acceptance  of  the 
desperate  chance,  but  it  is  hard  to  conceive  that  any 
other  man  in  the  world  would  have  so  stupidly  played 
into  the  hands  of  the  French  as  the  English  commander 
had.  Even  after  he  was  beaten  the  first  time,  there  was 
no  reason  why  he  should  not  have  resumed  the  campaign 
upon  one  of  the  practicable  plans  of  which  Lord  Howe 
would  have  been  prompt  to  avail  himself. 


284     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

V.    The  Legend  of  Inverawe 

Almost  every  man  who  has  told  the  story  of  this  for 
gotten  battle  has  mentioned  a  wild  Scottish  legend  con 
cerning  the  unfortunate  commander  of  the  Black  Watch. 
Major  Campbell  was  taken  to  Fort  Edward  with  the  rest 
of  the  army.  His  arm,  which  had  been  badly  shattered, 
was  in  such  a  condition  that  it  was  necessary  to  amputate 
it  at  once  and  he  died  from  the  operation. 

In  the  traditions  of  the  Campbells  there  is  a  story  that 
years  before,  when  this  same  Duncan  Campbell  was  alone 
in  his  castle  at  Inverawe  one  tempestuous  night,  a  man 
in  the  direst  extremity,  panting  with  fatigue,  almost  ex 
hausted,  having  been  pursued  nearly  to  death,  appealed 
to  him  for  hospitality  and  shelter,  stating  that  he  had 
killed  a  man  and  the  avengers  of  blood  were  close  on 
his  track. 

With  romantic  chivalry  the  Laird  of  Inverawe,  as  he 
was  called  after  his  castle,  promised  him  protection  and 
a  safe  hiding  place,  and  at  the  earnest  request  of  the 
stranger  took  oath  upon  the  hilt  of  his  dirk  to  hold  him 
inviolate.  He  had  scarcely  concealed  him  when  the  pur 
suers  burst  upon  the  scene  and  informed  Inverawe  that 
they  were  seeking  the  murderer  of  his  cousin — Donald 
Campbell!  Bound  by  his  oath  and  by  his  stern  ideas  of 
hospitality,  Inverawe  declared  that  he  knew  nothing  of 
the  man.  That  night,  however,  so  the  story  goes,  the 
ghastly  figure  of  his  murdered  kinsman  appeared  at  his 
bedside.  From  his  blood-boltered  lips  fell  in  hollow 
tones  these  words: 

"  Inverawe,  Inverawe,  blood  has  been  shed!  Shield  not 
the  murderer! " 

When  day  broke  Campbell  repaired  to  the  place  of 


The  Fighting  Around   Ticonderoga   285 

concealment  which  he  had  allotted  the  stranger  and,  tell 
ing  him  of  his  dreadful  night,  ordered  him  to  leave  at 
once,  as  he  could  afford  him  protection  no  longer. 

"  You  have  sworn  to  do  so  upon  your  dirk,"  said  the 
man,  refusing  to  leave  his  shelter,  and  invoking  the  laws 
of  hospitality  of  the  wild  age  and  people. 

Finally  Inverawe,  who  was  naturally  greatly  perturbed 
by  the  deceit  which  had  been  practised  upon  him  and  the 
message  of  his  ghostly  visitor,  induced  the  murderer  to 
repair  to  a  cave  in  a  neighboring  mountain,  where  he  left 
him,  with  a  renewed  promise  that  he  would  not  betray 
him.  His  rest  that  night  was  broken  again  by  the  dread 
apparition  and  the  same  fearful  words  were  rung  in  his 
ear.  He  could  stand  it  no  longer.  In  the  morning  he 
hastened  to  the  cave,  determined  to  warn  him  to  go,  or 
he  would  give  him  up,  but  the  stranger  was  already  gone. 
That  night  the  spirit  appeared  once  more,  but  with  a 
different  message,  sufficiently  fearful  but  less  terrible  than 
before: 

"  Farewell,  Inverawe,  farewell,  until  we  meet  at  Tf- 
CONDEROGA ! " 

After  that  night  it  returned  no  more.  At  that  time  it 
is  probable  that  neither  Campbell  nor  any  other  British 
officer  had  ever  heard  of  Ticonderoga,  but  the  mys 
terious  aggregation  of  melodious  syllables  dwelt  in  his 
mind  and  he  often  recurred  to  it.  Long  afterward  he 
joined  the  Black  Watch,  and  in  time  became  its  major. 

He  had  never  forgotten  the  story,  which  he  often  told 
to  the  other  officers.  His  horror,  therefore,  can  be  imag 
ined,  when  he  learned  that  his  regiment  was  destined  to 
attack  Ticonderoga!  A  settled  melancholy  took  posses 
sion  of  him.  Before  the  day  of  the  battle  his  officers 
entered  into  a  little  conspiracy  and  they  met  to  assure 


286     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

him  that  the  place  they  were  about  to  attack  was  not 
Ticonderoga,  but  Fort  Carillon,  and  that  Ticonderoga 
lay  further  up  the  lake.  They  succeeded  in  reassuring 
him  somewhat,  but  on  the  morning  of  the  battle,  he  made 
them  the  startling  statement  that  he  had  seen  the  appari 
tion  once  again  and  it  had  uttered  these  fatal  words: 

"  This  is  TICONDEROGA !  "  * 

"  I  shall  die  to-day/'  he  said  to  his  officers,  as  he  told 
the  tale. 

When  he  led  the  heroic  advance  of  the  Black  Watch 
in  the  last  effort  to  break  the  French  line,  therefore,  he 
did  it  with  the  blind  fatalism  of  a  man  who  is  conscious 
that  he  is  marked  for  death  and  in  that  consciousness  goes 
forward  without  fear  and  without  hesitation.  And  to 
this  splendid  exhibition  of  reckless  intrepidity  on  his  part 
may  have  been  due  the  partial  success  of  the  terrific  at 
tack. 

He  sleeps  near  Fort  Edward  near  the  scene  of  the  ful 
filment  of  the  prophecy.  His  son,  Lieutenant  Alex 
ander  Campbell,  of  the  same  regiment,  participated  in 
the  battle  and  was  also  severely  wounded  but  survived. 
He,  too,  has  left  on  record  marvellous  tales  of  the  warn 
ings  of  death  which  appeared  to  the  ladies  of  the  Camp 
bells  at  Inverawe,  on  the  day  when  the  Laird  of  the  castle 
fell  before  the  gory  abattis  on  that  awful  hill  across  the 
sea. 

"  There  are  more  things  in  heaven  and  earth,  Horatio, 
Than  are  dreamt  of  in  your  philosophy." 

*  Indian  name  "  Cheonderoga,"  which  in  the  Iroquois  tongue  signifies 
••Sounding  Water." 


PART  IV 
THE   FRENCH   AND    INDIAN   WAR 

V 
Before  Louisbourg  Again 


BEFORE    LOUISBOURG    AGAIN 

I.    A  Gibraltar  Now 

WHEN  we  left  Louisbourg  thirteen  years  ago,  in 
1745,  the  flag  of  England  flaunted  in  triumph 
over  its  half  ruined  walls  while  the  hardy  col 
onists  under  stout  William  Pepperrell,  their  drums  beat 
ing  gayly,  marched  through  the  battered  gates.  Yet  on 
this  ist  of  June,  1758,  the  strong  eastern  wind  sweeping 
in  unimpeded  course  across  one  thousand  leagues  of 
Atlantic  seas,  whipped  out  from  the  end  of  the  lofty  staff 
the  lilied  banner  of  France!  All  the  labors,  sacrifices, 
hardships,  gallantries  and  pleasant  humors  of  the  New 
Englanders  had  come  to  naught;  for,  when  the  peace 
of  Aix-la-Chapelle  terminated  King  George's  War,  by 
subtle  and  persistent  diplomacy  the  French  managed  to 
have  the  fortress  at  Louisbourg  returned  to  them.  And 
on  the  day  mentioned  it  stood  in  the  possession  of  its 
original  owners,  more  formidable  and  menacing  to  Eng 
land  and  her  colonies  than  ever. 

The  old  works  had  been  repaired  and  strengthened  at 
an  expense  of  more  than  a  million  pounds  sterling.  It  was 
amply  garrisoned  by  four  thousand  men,  the  greater  part 
of  whom  were  French  regular  soldiery.  Nearly  two  hun 
dred  and  forty  cannon  and  mortars  were  mounted  upon 
the  walls  and  outworks.  The  Island  battery  where  the 
English  had  met  such  a  disastrous  repulse,  had  been 
19  289 


290     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

strengthened  and  was  now  heavily  armed.  Within  the 
spacious  harbor  five  splendid  ships-of-the-line,  a  fifty-gun 
ship,  and  six  saucy  frigates,  mounting  nearly  six  hundred 
guns,  swung  at  their  anchors.  Admiral  Desgouttes  and 


Map  of  Louisbourg,  1758.* 

his  three  thousand  seamen  constituted  a  formidable  aux 
iliary  to  the  defence.  The  whole  was  under  the  charge 
of  the  Chevalier  de  Drucour,  a  veteran  and  experienced 
soldier  of  much  skill  and  proven  courage.  He  was  not 
to  be  caught  napping  as  the  unlucky  Du  Chambon  had 
been  years  before,  and  every  practicable  landing  place 
was  lined  with  intrenchments  and  batteries. 

At  intervals  during  the  stormy  months  of  spring,  out 
of  the  mist,  and  fog,  and  rain,  and  the  tempests  that  beat 
almost  incessantly  upon  the  dangerous  rock-bound  shore, 

*  See  also  inset  map  on  page  274. 


Before  Louisbourg  Again         291 

a  little  squadron  of  English  ships  varying  in  size,  but  high 
in  quality,  could  be  seen  beating  to  and  fro  across  the 
entrance  to  the  harbor  where  the  huge  rollers  seethed 
and  foamed  over  the  reefs,  endeavoring  to  maintain  a 
blockade.  They  were  not  very  successful  in  their  efforts; 
conditions  were  against  them,  and  the  force  was  too 
small,  so  the  French  ran  in  and  out  at  will,  hence  the 
presence  of  the  men-of-war  in  the  harbor.  Indeed  even 
after  the  arrival  of  the  great  English  fleet,  Le  Bizarre,  64, 
and  La  Comete,  30,  as  we  shall  see  later  on,  succeeded  in 
getting  away  on  the  8th  of  June,  while  the  attempt  at 
landing  was  being  made.  Practical  freedom  of  access 
being  thus  assured  the  fortress  was  fully  provided  for  a 
siege,  and  de  Drucour  awaited  with  confidence  the  ex 
pected  attack. 

It  was  not  long  in  coming.  When  the  French  awoke 
on  the  second  day  of  June,  they  were  astonished  at  the 
sight  which  greeted  their  eyes  in  Gabarus  Bay,  south  of 
the  town.  No  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty-seven 
ships  lay  straining  at  their  anchors.  Twenty-three  of 
these  were  ships-of-the-line,  eighteen  were  frigates,  and 
the  rest  were  transports.  From  the  masthead  of  the 
Namur,  90,  flew  the  flag  of  stout  old  Admiral  Edward 
Boscawen,  the  naval  commander  of  the  expedition;  old 
"Dreadnought,"  or  "  Wrynecked  Dick,"  as  he  was  in 
differently  called  by  the  sailors,  had  Royal  Stuart  blood 
in  his  veins,  but  in  despite  of  that  he  was  a  gallant  officer 
and  a  splendid  sailor. 

On  the  transports  were  some  twelve  thousand  troops; 
there  were  Highlanders,  Provincial  Rangers,  two  bat 
talions  of  Royal  Americans,  and  a  regiment  of  light 
infantry,  batteries  of  skilled  artillerists  to  man  a  train  of 
one  hundred  and  forty  guns  of  various  calibres,  while 


292     Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

grenadiers,  engineers,  and  troops  of  the  line  made  up 
the  rest.  This  land  force  was  under  the  command  of 
Major  General  Jeffrey  Amherst,  who  had  for  his  briga 
diers,  Lawrence,  Whitmore,  and  James  Wolfe,  his  first 
entry  upon  the  pages  of  American  history. 

Hazardous  indeed  was  the  undertaking,  desperate  the 
problem  before  the  soldiers  and  sailors.  The  officers 
searched  with  their  glasses  the  desolate,  storm-beaten 
shore,  or  rowed  along  its  granite  face  in  boats,  and  could 
find  but  three  practicable  places  at  which  a  landing  could 
be  effected.  Further  reconnoissance  discovered  the  fact 
that  each  of  these  points  was  covered  by  strong  fortifica 
tions  and  apparently  heavily  garrisoned.  Discouraging 
indeed  was  the  prospect.  They  had  arrived  off  Cape 
Breton  Island  via  Halifax,  after  a  long  and  tedious  pas 
sage  across  the  ocean,  and  now  within  sight  of  their  goal 
the  obstacles  before  them  appeared  well-nigh  insuper 
able. 

What  would  the  admiral  decide  upon?  The  determi 
nation  of  course,  was  left  entirely  to  him.  The  troops 
could  not  disembark  without  the  aid  of  the  sailors  who 
were  entirely  under  his  orders.  It  was  an  anxious  time 
indeed  for  Amherst  and  his  young  brigadiers  and  for 
Boscawen  as  well.  What  should  he  do  in  this  emer 
gency?  Should  he  hold  a  council  of  war  and  be  gov 
erned  by  its  conclusion?  Then  good-by  to  any  hope 
of  aggressive  action.  He  was  pressed  to  do  this  by  num 
bers  of  his  captains  and  the  decision  would  inevitably  have 
been  to  abandon  the  attempt  and  retire. 

Councils  of  war  had  ruined  the  career  of  many  officers 
and  the  fate  of  Admiral  John  Byng,  who  had  been  shot 
on  the  quarter-deck  of  his  own  flagship  the  previous  year, 
for  not  fighting — it  was  alleged — as  valiantly  and  sue- 


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Before  Louisbourg  Again         293 

cessfully  as  he  might,  and  should  have  done,  was  still  fresh 
in  the  minds  of  everyone.  An  old  Scottish  sea  officer 
named  Ferguson,  the  captain  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  60, 
turned  the  scale.  What  little  things,  sometimes  scarcely 
noticed,  more  often  unknown,  determine  great  events! 
The  sturdy  representations  of  the  brave  old  seaman  who 
advised  Boscawen  to  hold  no  council,  and  to  land  the 
troops  or  to  make  a  desperate  endeavor  to  do  so,  at  last 
prevailed,  and  the  admiral  announced  his  determination  to 
do  what  he  had  come  so  far  to  do. 


II.    The  Landing  in  the  Surf 

It  was  resolved  after  consultation  between  Amherst 
and  his  generals,  that  three  brigades  of  the  army  should 
be  embarked  in  three  divisions  under  the  command  of 
the  three  brigadier  generals,  that  the  divisions  of  Law 
rence  and  Whitmore  should  make  a  feint  at  landing  at 
those  two  of  the  available  points  nearest  the  fortress,  but 
that  the  real  landing  should  be  made  by  the  left  division 
under  Wolfe,  and  the  point  where  the  attempt  was  to  be 
made  was  a  little  bay  called  by  the  French  Le  Coroman- 
diere,  by  the  English  Fresh  Water  Cove.  The  beach 
here  was  crescent  shaped  for  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
with  rocky  cliffs  at  each  end. 

The  place  was  as  strongly  fortified  and  as  formidable 
as  the  rest;  and,  as  they  afterward  learned,  was  garri 
soned  by  nearly  a  thousand  men,  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant  Colonel  de  St.  Julien.  But  it  was  the  most 
practicable  of  access,  apparently.  The  defensive  works 
were  on  a  bluff  about  fifteen  feet  above  the  sea  level  and 
were  composed  of  trees  and  earth,  protected  by  a  rough 
abattis  of  felled  trees  and  mounting  several  small  pieces  of 


294     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

artillery  planted  to  sweep  the  beach,  and  hidden  by  ever 
greens  stuck  in  the  ground  in  front  of  them. 

A  further  distraction  to  the  enemy  was  afforded  by 
another  feint  of  landing  a  regiment  far  to  the  northward 
of  the  town  near  a  place  called  Lorembec,  beyond  Light 
house  Point.  Preparations  having  been  speedily  con 
cluded  they  awaited  a  favorable  moment  for  the  attack. 
Dense  fogs  and  fierce  gales  prevailed,  however,  for  a 
week,  during  which  the  frigate  Trent  was  lost,  and  it  was 
not  until  the  8th  of  June  that  the  weather  permitted  them 
to  essay  their  task.  During  the  night  the  men  em 
barked  in  the  boats  of  the  fleet,  the  frigates  were  sent  in 
shore,  and  anchored  as  close  to  the  cliffs  as  they  dared. 
When  day  broke  with  every  gun  that  bore  they  opened 
a  furious  cannonade  upon  the  French,  while  the  larger 
ships  moved  up  opposite  Louisbourg  proper  and  with 
their  heavy  guns  engaged  the  fortress  as  they  could. 

Such  a  roar  of  artillery  woke  the  solitudes  as  had  never 
been  heard  before  in  the  western  hemisphere.  Under 
the  cover  of  this  furious  fire,  to  which  the  French  made 
spirited  reply,  the  three  divisions  of  boats  dashed  toward 
the  shore.  As  Wolfe's  brigade  drew  near  Fresh  Water 
Cove,  they  were  for  a  time  unmolested,  but  when  they  got 
within  close  range  the  French  suddenly  opened  fire  upon 
them.  The  sea  was  still  rough  and  only  the  uncertain 
motion  of  the  boats,  tossing  about  in  the  huge  waves, 
which  disconcerted  the  aim  of  the  gunners,  prevented 
them  from  being  sunk.  The  flagstaff  of  Wolfe's  boat 
was  cut  down  and  several  men  were  hit.  As  soon  as  the 
flotilla  of  boats  got  into  calmer  water  nearer  the  shore, 
they  would  be  cut  to  pieces.  After  scanning  the  position 
Wolfe  reluctantly  decided  to  give  over  the  attempt  at  that 
time.  The  difficulty  may  be  inferred  from  that  decision. 


Before  Louisbourg  Again         295 

He  signalled  the  other  boats  of  his  flotilla  therefore,  to 
retire.  On  account  of  the  loss  of  his  flagstaff  Wolfe  gave 
the  signal  with  his  hand. 

Three  boat  loads  of  light  infantry  on  the  extreme  right 
commanded  by  Lieutenants  Hopkins  and  Brown  and 
Ensign  Grant,  either  did  not  understand  him  or  delib 
erately  disregarded  his  signal.  These  officers  thought 
they  had  found  a  practicable  landing  place  under  the 
shelter  of  the  cliffs  which,  so  long  as  they  remained  on 
the  beach,  would  protect  them  from  the  fire  of  the  enemy. 
Taking  not  only  their  lives  but  their  reputations  in  hand, 
they  dashed  at  it.  If  their  observations  were  erroneous, 
and  their  deductions  false,  they  would  be  court-martialed 
and  shot. 

They  were  all  right,  however.  It  was  a  difficult  and 
dangerous  place  to  debark  an  army,  but  they  succeeded 
in  getting  ashore.  They  were  followed  by  Major  Scott, 
who  commanded  the  light  infantry,  and  the  Rangers. 
His  boat  was  stove  but  he  sprang  ashore  and  with  ten 
men  at  once  clambered  up  the  cliff.  At  the  first  volley 
five  were  shot  down,  but  the  rest  took  cover  and  each 
moment  added  to  their  number,  as  the  men  from  the 
other  three  boats  followed  Scott's  example.  Wolfe 
marked  their  success,  countermanded  his  orders  and 
headed  his  own  boat  for  the  same  spot.  In  his  eagerness 
he  leaped  into  the  water  as  soon  as  the  depth  permitted 
and,  with  a  small  cane  in  his  hand,  led  his  soldiers  for 
ward.  The  men  as  fast  as  they  landed  scrambled  up  the 
cliffs  and  at  once  found  themselves  in  hot  action  with  the 
French. 

Boat  after  boat  was  wrecked  on  the  beach  as  they 
dashed  at  it  and  many  of  the  soldiers  were  drowned  and 
the  powder  of  the  rest  was  rendered  useless.  The  French 


296     Colonial   Fights  and   Fighters 

opened  fire  upon  the  English  as  fast  as  they  appeared,  but 
under  the  shelter  of  the  trees  Wolfe  at  last  got  them 
formed  up  for  a  solid  attack.  With  fixed  bayonets  they 
made  for  the  French.  There  was  a  fierce  discharge  at 
them  which  did  not  stop  them,  and  then  followed  a  brief 
melee  in  which  something  like  one  hundred  and  fifty  of 
the  French  were  killed  and  wounded,  when  the  rest  were 
driven  from  their  intrenchments. 

The  divisions  of  Lawrence  and  Whitmore  were  now 
making  a  landing  where  Wolfe  had  succeeded  in  gaining 
a  foothold.  The  boats  of  the  fleet  with  the  rest  of  the 
army  were  also  putting  for  the  shore.  The  French  col 
onel  reasoned  that  unless  he  made  good  his  escape  when 
he  had  opportunity,  the  English  would  interpose  be 
tween  him  and  Louisbourg  and  cut  him  off,  so  he  fled  up 
the  coast  at  full  speed  with  his  men,  abandoning  the  sev 
eral  batteries  which  had  been  erected. 

They  were  hotly  pursued  by  Wolfe  at  the  head  of  his 
light  infantry,  a  corps  of  men  whom  he  had  specially 
trained  after  notions  of  his  own,  which  were  then  thought 
fantastic,  but  which  are  now  accepted  by  military  authori 
ties  of  all  nations.  They  were  lightly  equipped  but  for 
midably  armed,  were  taught  to  move  in  open  order  and 
to  take  advantage  of  every  possible  cover  in  advance  or 
retreat.  The  heavy  massed  line  of  battle  was  not  for 
them.  All  useless  articles  of  baggage,  uniform,  and 
equipment  were  discarded. 

Meantime  during  all  that  day  the  boats  of  the  ships 
continued  landing  the  soldiers.  Although  more  than 
one  hundred  boats  were  smashed  in  the  breakers  and  on 
the  rocks,  the  total  loss  of  the  English  in  killed  and 
wounded  and  drowned  in  this  brilliant  feat  of  arms  was 
scarcely  more  than  one  hundred.  The  pursuit  of  the 


Before  Louisbourg  Again         297 

flying  French  continued  until  Wolfe  came  within  range 
of  the  guns  of  Louisbourg.  Amherst  now  came  on  shore 
and  assumed  direction  of  the  operations.  A  siege  was 
regularly  begun. 


III.    The  Fortress  Beleaguered 

In  front  of  the  line  of  works  extending  across  the 
peninsula  from  the  ocean  to  the  bay  and  forming  the  base 
of  the  triangle  enclosing  the  town,  lay  a  huge  impassable 
morass.  Louisbourg  was  approachable,  however,  on  firm 
ground  from  either  flank,  by  the  seashore  or  inland.  The 
English  steadily  advanced  their  batteries  nearer  the  town 
with  each  succeeding  day.  The  Grand  battery  which  lay 
opposite  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  had  been  burned  and 
abandoned  by  de  Drucour  as  soon  as  the  English  landed. 
The  French  ships  were  moved  across  the  bay  and 
anchored  under  the  protection  of  the  walls. 

Admiral  Desgouttes  had  pleaded  that  he  might  be 
allowed  to  leave  the  harbor  and  escape  while  he  could, 
but  de  Drucour  desired  the  services  of  the  ships  and  men 
and  had  refused  to  permit  him,  which  was  a  tactical 
blunder.  The  ships  were  too  few  to  fight  Boscawen's 
great  fleet.  They  could  not  materially  aid  in  the  defence 
of  the  city  and  they  had  to  be  protected  from  the  British 
attack,  therefore  their  presence  was  a  source  of  weakness, 
although  their  crews  were  most  useful  in  the  siege.  If 
by  any  means  the  city  were  captured,  the  ships  would  be 
lost  too.  All  this  was  pointed  out  to  de  Drucour,  but  to  no 
avail.  The  ships  therefore  joined  with  the  batteries  of 
the  town  in  returning  the  fire  of  the  English.  One  ves 
sel  especially,  the  frigate  Arethuse,  placed  in  the  land 
locked  basin,  or  inner  harbor,  called  Le  Barachois,  from 


298     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

her  position  was  enabled  to  enfilade  the  English  batteries. 
She  was  in  charge  of  Captain  Vauquelin,  a  brave  and 
successful  officer.  The  English  at  last  succeeded  in 
planting  a  battery  which  commanded  her  and  they 
riddled  her  with  shot,  but  she  pluckily  stuck  to  her  sta 
tion  until  near  the  end  of  the  siege.  Two  of  the  frigates 
which  attempted  to  get  away  were  captured,  after  hot  en 
gagements,  by  British  frigates  outside. 

By  Amherst's  direction,  on  the  I2th  of  June,  Wolfe 
took  his  light  infantry  the  circuit  of  the  harbor  and 
erected  a  powerful  battery  on  Lighthouse  Point,  with 
which  he  succeeded  in  silencing  the  Island  battery. 
There  was  nothing  now  that  would  prevent  the  British 
from  sailing  into  the  harbor.  Therefore,  Desgouttes  and 
de  Drucour  determined  to  block  it  up.  They  sank  the 
fifty-gun  ship,  and  the  two  remaining  frigates  in  the 
mouth  of  the  harbor;  and  then,  withdrawing  the  Arethuse 
from  her  untenable  position,  they  patched  her  up,  waited 
for  a  dark  night  and  towed  her  through  the  obstructions 
and  sent  her  to  France,  which  she  safely  reached  bearing 
an  appeal  for  help — too  late. 

Meanwhile  the  indefatigable  English  batteries  were 
regularly  approaching  nearer  the  walls  of  the  town,  the 
men  actually  making  solid  ground  with  fascines  and  earth 
in  the  marsh,  upon  which  to  mount  their  guns.  On  the 
night  of  the  6th  of  July  the  French  made  a  sally  which 
was  repulsed  with  severe  loss  to  them  and  but  little  to 
the  English.  De  Drucour  made  a  second  and  more  de 
termined  effort  to  dislodge  the  steadily  approaching 
enemy.  On  the  night  of  the  9th  of  July  he  sent  out  one 
thousand  picked  men  who  fell  upon  the  light  infantry  like 
a  storm.  The  English  were  driven  back  from  the  first 
line  of  intrenchments  and  the  probability  of  a  serious  re- 


Before  Louisbourg  Again         299 

pulse  was  imminent  when  Wolfe  himself  appeared  on  the 
scene,  reanimated  his  men,  led  a  charge  against  the 
French,  and  after  some  severe  hand  to  hand  fighting, 
drove  them  back,  disheartened  and  defeated. 

Wolfe's  men  on  the  i6th  of  July  succeeded  in  occupy 
ing  a  hill  called  Gallows  Hill,  the  place  of  execution, 
within  three  hundred  feet  of  the  Dauphin's  Bastion,  erect 
ing  a  battery  thereon  which  did  no  little  execution. 

The  fire  of  the  English  batteries,  in  which  the  ships 
participated  whenever  the  weather  permitted,  was  simply 
appalling.  They  rained  shot  and  shell  on  the  devoted 
town.  Every  building  of  wood,  including  the  barracks, 
was  consumed  by  fire,  and  the  chief  storehouses  and  other 
buildings  of  stone  were  battered  into  hopeless  ruins. 
There  were  many  fishermen  and  women  and  children 
within  the  walls  who  were  left  houseless,  and  forced  to 
seek  shelter  of  the  casemates  and  bomb  proofs. 

Madame  de  Drucour,  the  wife  of  the  governor,  proved 
herself  a  heroine  indeed;  daily  appearing  with  her  husband 
on  the  ramparts  and  encouraging  the  soldiers  by  some 
times  firing  the  guns  with  her  own  fair  hand.  More  and 
more  guns  were  landed  from  the  ships,  some  of  them 
manned  by  sailors.  Nearer  and  nearer  the  English  ap 
proached  to  the  works  and  the  pounding  the  walls  got  was 
terrific. 

The  walls  presently  began  to  succumb  to  the  tre 
mendous  battering  they  were  receiving.  Unfortunately, 
as  is  often  the  case  with  national  contracts,  some  of  them 
had  not  been  completed  and  much  of  the  work  had  been 
badly  done;  in  their  need  the  French  had  eked  out  the 
wanting  masonry  with  fascines.  Great  gaps  appeared 
here  and  there,  cannon  after  cannon  was  dismounted,  the 
citadel  was  laid  in  ruins,  but  still  the  besieged  held  out 
heroically. 


300     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

IV.    Destruction  of  the  Fleet 

On  the  night  of  the  2ist  of  July,  however,  they  met 
with  a  great  catastrophe.  A  bomb  shell  fell  upon  the 
deck  of  Le  Celebre,  64,  and  set  her  on  fire.  In  spite  of 
the  efforts  of  her  depleted  crew — most  of  her  complement 
being  ashore  in  the  batteries — she  burned  furiously  and 
breaking  from  her  moorings  at  last  drifted  down  upon 
UEntreprenante,  74,  and  then  fell  foul  of  Le  Capricieux, 
64.  They  both  caught  fire  from  the  first  one;  the  Eng 
lish  turned  their  guns  upon  them,  and  the  three  devoted 
ships,  a  mass  of  flame,  their  guns  firing  in  every  direction, 
finally  drifted  ashore  and  burned  to  the  water's  edge,  or 
blew  up  with  tremendous  explosions. 

This  left  but  two  ships  of  the  line  out  of  the  twelve 
vessels  which  had  originally  found  refuge  in  the  harbor, 
and  their  fate  was  soon  determined.  Boscawen  arranged 
to  destroy  them  by  a  boat  attack.  Commanders  Laforey 
and  Balfour  were  placed  in  charge  of  six  hundred  British 
seamen  in  forty  boats.  There  were  no  troops  or  marines 
concerned  in  the  enterprise.  Two  boats  from  each  ship, 
manned  by  their  regular  crews  heavily  armed  with  cut 
lasses,  pistols,  pole-axes,  and  muskets  and  bayonets,  with 
a  lieutenant  aft  and  a  midshipman  forward,  were  detailed 
to  make  this  attack.  It  was  a  picked  force  and  nobly 
did  it  carry  out  the  undertaking. 

A  little  after  midnight  on  the  morning  of  the  26th  of 
July,  the  boats  got  under  way.  It  was  a  dark,  foggy  night 
well  suited  to  their  undertaking.  With  muffled  oars  and 
in  perfect  silence,  they  stole  past  the  watchers  on  the 
Island  battery  and  entered  the  harbor.  As  they  had 
started  from  the  ships  a  signal  from  the  Namur  had  been 
given  and  the  English  had  at  once  engaged  the  town. 


Before  Louisbourg  Again         301 

Under  the  roar  of  the  furious  cannonade  the  boats  suc 
ceeded  in  getting  into  the  basin  absolutely  unnoticed. 
They  rowed  in  as  far  as  the  Grand  battery,  so  as  to  be  able 
to  approach  the  ships  from  the  landward  side,  from  which 
an  attack  would  scarcely  be  expected.  Separating  in  two 
divisions,  Captain  Laforey,  with  three  hundred  men 
dashed  at  Le  Prudent,  74,  which  was  nearest  the  shore. 
Commander  Balfour,  with  a  like  force,  made  for  Le  Bien- 
faisant,  64. 

The  attack  had  been  beautifully  planned.  The  boats 
of  the  two  flotillas  deliberately  circled  about  the  devoted 
ships  to  reach  their  appointed  stations.  A  sentry  on  each 
finally  gave  the  alarm,  but  the  small  French  crews  on 
board  had  scarcely  time  to  tumble  out  of  their  hammocks 
and  seize  their  arms,  before  the  English  were  upon  them. 
They  boarded  over  the  bows,  through  the  gangways, 
upon  the  quarters,  in  fact  from  every  side,  with  loud 
cheers,  and  immediately  fell  to  work.  There  was  a  brief, 
fierce  melee  upon  each  ship,  and  the  English  were  in 
possession. 

It  was  graying  toward  morning  by  this  time  and  the 
noise  and  confusion  of  the  attack  apprised  the  garrison 
within  the  town,  a  short  distance  away,  of  what  was  tak 
ing  place.  They  sprang  to  the  guns  of  the  water  bat 
teries  and  opened  a  heavy  fire  upon  the  captured  ships, 
which  cut  them  up  severely.  The  English  \vere  too  busy 
to  make  any  reply.  The  tide  was  at  low  ebb.  Laforey 
found  that  Le  Prudent  was  aground.  It  was  impossible 
to  lighten  her  to  bring  her  off,  so  he  set  her  on  fire.  He 
and  his  men  remained  on  the  ship  until  she  was  burning 
hopelessly,  then,  after  releasing  and  disarming  the  French 
prisoners,  giving  them  their  own  boats  and  a  schooner, 
lying  alongside,  with  which  to  get  ashore,  the  English 


302     Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

abandoned  her.  They  got  into  their  boats  and  rowed  over 
to  Le  Bienfaisant.  By  hard  work  Balfour's  party  had 
got  their  ship  afloat,  and  the  two  boat  divisions  delib 
erately  towed  her  out  of  range  of  the  batteries  under  a 
tremendous  fire,  and  anchored  her  safely  under  the  lee  of 
the  Lighthouse  battery  that  Wolfe  had  established  to 
the  north  of  the  harbor. 

It  was  a  splendid  feat  of  arms  and  at  daybreak  the  hearts 
of  the  besieged  weakened.  Boscawen  immediately  pre 
pared  to  enter  the  now  defenceless  harbor  with  six  of  his 
ships.  The  garrison  was  worn  out.  The  sick  and  wound 
ed  were  exposed  to  a  continuous  fire.  No  part  of  the 
works  was  safe  from  the  guns  of  the  enemy.  Nearly  two 
thousand  men  were  incapacitated  by  wounds  or  illness, 
and  upward  of  a  thousand  had  been  killed.  The  case 
mates  were  filled  with  terrified  women  and  children.  The 
English  batteries  had  successfully  breached  the  walls. 
The  guns  opposite  the  English  army,  with  the  exception 
of  three  or  four,  had  been  dismounted  and  put  out  of 
action.  The  citadel  was  a  hopeless  ruin.  De  Drucour 
had  made  a  gallant  defence.  He  could  do  no  more.  By 
the  advice  of  his  officers  he  sent  out  a  flag  asking  for 
terms. 

He  thought  at  least  that  his  splendid  defence  would 
entitle  him  to  march  his  garrison  out  with  the  honors  of 
war,  and  he  made  such  a  proposition.  But  Amherst  was 
no  sentimental  soldier,  neither  was  Boscawen.  Their 
answer  to  the  governor's  proposition  was  a  demand  for 
an  instant  and  unconditional  surrender,  under  threat  of 
an  immediate  assault  in  force.  De  Drucour  and  his  of 
ficers  indignantly  rejected  these  terms  and  declared  them 
selves  willing  to  endure  an  assault  rather  than  surrender 
the  town  under  such  circumstances. 


Before  Louisbourg  Again         303 

A  messenger  was  sent  carrying  their  rejection  to  Am- 
herst,  but  as  soon  as  the  rejection  became  known  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town,  numbering  about  four  thousand, 
they  crowded  around  the  governor  and  his  staff  with  such 
pleas  and  representations,  such  lamentations  as  to  their 
certain  fate,  and  the  fate  of  the  women  and  children,  that 
they  at  last  moved  him  to  surrender  unconditionally. 

Another  messenger  was  despatched  posthaste  to  recall 
the  rejection,  which  fortunately  for  the  French,  had  not 
yet  been  delivered.  Poor  de  Drucour  signed  the  capitu 
lation  at  midnight  of  the  27th,  and  on  the  morning  Gen 
eral  Whitmore  marched  in  and  took  possession.  The 
French  soldiers  threw  down  their  arms  before  him  with 
tears  of  mortification  and  gestures  of  rage;  the  white  ban 
ner  was  again  hauled  down  and  for  the  second  time  the 
Gibraltar  of  America  passed  under  the  English  flag.  It 
stayed  there  as  long  as  it  had  any  existence.  The  French 
power  was  forever  driven  from  the  Atlantic  seaboard. 

The  English  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  had  been  a 
little  over  five  hundred.  De  Drucour  surrendered  about 
fifty-six  hundred  soldiers,  sailors  and  marines. 

This  was  one  of  the  most  successful  feats  of  arms  in 
the  war.  Its  success  was  made  possible  by  the  hearty 
cooperation  between  Boscawen  and  Amherst,  and  the 
patient  perseverance  of  the  latter,  but  above  all  by  the 
dashing  audacity,  sound  judgment,  and  brilliant  military 
genius  of  James  Wolfe. 

"  He  is  mad,"  said  one  of  the  incapables  about  the  per 
son  of  the  king,  when  he  read  of  Wolfe's  daring  tactics, 
his  wonderful  innovations. 

"  Mad  is  he?  "  growled  the  old  king,  with  a  vivid  mem 
ory  of  some  of  his  cocked-hatted  failures,  "  then  I  only 
hope  he'll  bite  some  of  my  generals! " 


304     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

Among  the  officers  in  Wolfe's  brigade  who  was  fore 
most  in  all  the  exploits  and  undertakings  of  the  siege, 
was  a  young  ensign,  who  was  promoted  to  a  lieutenancy 
by  that  general  himself  for  conspicuous  courage  and  gal 
lantry.  His  name  was  Richard  Montgomery,  a  man 
whose  career  in  the  American  Revolution  was  as  brief  as 
his  fame  was  great.  He  was  destined  to  die  years  after 
under  the  walls  of  Quebec,  fighting  against  the  very  flag 
to  which,  in  this  campaign,  he  had  given  such  ungrudging 
and  brilliant  devotion. 


PART  IV 
THE   FRENCH   AND   INDIAN  WAR 

VI 

The  Fall  of  Quebec 


THE    FALL    OF    QUEBEC 

"  Come,  each  death-doing  dog  who  dares  venture  his  neck, 
Come,  follow  the  hero  that  goes  to  Quebec; 
Jump  aboard  of  the  transports,  and  loose  every  sail, 
Pay  your  debts  at  the  tavern  by  giving  leg-bail; 
And  ye  that  love  fighting  shall  soon  have  enough: 
Wolfe  commands  us,  my  boys;  we  shall  give  them  Hot  Stuff."  * 

I.    The  Stake,  the  Game,  and  the  Players 

ON  the  29th  of  February,  1712,  when  Louis  XIV, 
old,  broken,  and  defeated,  was  closing  his  long 
reign,  a  little  boy  was  born  in  the  south  of 
France.  Fifteen  years  later,  on  the  2nd  of  January, 
1727,  another  lad  saw  the  light  in  the  England  of  George 
the  First.  Born  under  different  governmental  systems 
and  springing  from  different  racial  stocks,  standing  for 
different  ideas,  the  lives  of  these  two  children  were 
destined  to  be  strangely  intermingled.  They  were  to  be 
the  chief  factors  in  a  great  contest  in  which  the  stakes 
were  a  future  empire  the  like  of  which  the  world  had  not 
seen.  They  w^re  to  play  their  great  game  upon  a  theatre 
of  unparalleled  magnificence  and  before  an  audience 
which  comprised  the  world.  There  were  circumstances 
of  great  dramatic  interest  in  the  career  of  both,  and  in 
the  end  each  laid  down  his  life  in  defence  of  his  principles 
on  the  same  blood-stained  field.  The  Frenchman  was 

*  These  words  are  from  a  contemporary  song ;   they  prove,  for  one  thing, 
the  antiquity  of  the  supposedly  modern  phrase  "  Hot  Stuff." 

307 


308     Colonial  Fights  and   Fighters 

the  son  of  a  great  nobleman;  the  Englishman,  a  child  of 
the  sturdy  middle  class.  Both  were  soldiers.  There 
were  brave  days  for  soldiers  then,  and  both  of  them  saw 
much  hard  fighting  and  arduous  campaigning.  Both 
had  risen  rapidly,  and  both  had  been  chosen  for  positions 
of  importance  which  they  had  neither  sought  nor  desired, 
but  which  both  had  accepted  from  the  very  highest  sense 
of  duty  and  love  of  country. 

As  we  have  just  seen,  Montcalm  had  signally  demon 
strated  his  capacity  by  inflicting  upon  the  English  an 
overwhelming  defeat  in  the  pine  woods  of  Ticonderoga, 
and  Wolfe  had  shown  his  ability  at  the  siege  of  Louis- 
bourg.  They  were  now  to  be  matched  in  a  struggle  for 
a  point  more  vital  than  the  fortress  in  the  pine-clad  hills 
or  that  on  the  iron-bound  coast  of  Cape  Breton.  The 
rifle  shots  of  the  Virginians  under  George  Washington 
in  the  forest  glades  of  western  Pennsylvania,  which  struck 
down  young  Jumonville,  had  kindled  a  conflagration  of 
war  which  had  swept  like  a  besom  of  destruction  from 
the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Ganges,  and  which  had  involved 
every  power  in  the  world  in  a  gigantic  struggle — Eng 
land,  Prussia,  and  the  American  Colonies  contra  mundum! 
On  the  icy  plains  of  Russia,  'neath  the  shadows  cast  by 
the  Himalayas,  and  in  the  forests  primeval  of  the  New 
World  the  conflict  raged. 

On  this  continent  two  great  ideas  had  stood  at  sword's 
point  with  each  other  from  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims 
and  the  voyage  of  Cartier.  In  a  thin  strip  upon  the 
Atlantic  seaboard  from  the  Penobscot  to  St.  Augustine, 
the  beginning  of  a  government  "  of  the  people,  by  the 
people,  and  for  the  people  "  had  been  established;  and  a 
nation,  frugal  and  industrious,  hardy  and  bold,  was  in 
the  travail  pains  of  existence.  The  several  English  colo- 


The   Fall  of  Quebec  309 

nies  embraced  a  population  of  over  a  million  souls.  On 
the  back  of  the  continent,  with  one  hand  on  the  great 
river  of  the  north,  the  other  clutching  the  great  river  of 
the  south,  lay  the  power  of  France,  a  country  still  the 
most  formidable  in  the  great  family  of  nations.  A  thin 
chain  of  military  posts  dotted  along  the  two  rivers  and 
the  great  lakes  represented  the  barrier  by  which  the  ad 
vocates  of  the  feudal  system — decaying  in  France,  but 
which  it  was  hoped  might  be  revived  in  America — strove 
to  hold  back  the  inundation  of  men  already  beginning  to 
break  upon  the  mountain  chains  of  what  was  then  the 
West.  Though  the  province  had  been  most  assiduously 
fostered  by  the  crown,  the  number  of  inhabitants  in  New 
France  did  not  exceed,  at  the  very  highest  estimate, 
seventy  thousand;  but  every  male  in  the  population  was 
liable  for  military  service,  and  the  seignors  of  the  villages 
and  rude  chateaux  and  the  officers  of  the  posts  were  men 
of  high  stamp,  bearing  some  of  the  noblest  names  of 
France.  In  war  they  could  bring  to  their  assistance 
hordes  of  ruthless  savages,  who,  under  the  teaching  of  the 
Jesuits,  had  added  to  their  natural  vindictiveness  and 
ferocity  the  machinery  of  the  warfare  of  the  time.  There 
were,  in  addition  to  the  population,  some  five  thousand 
regular  soldiers  in  the  country,  battalions  of  picked  men 
from  some  of  the  finest  regiments  of  the  incomparable 
French  infantry.  Therefore,  while  the  odds  against  the 
French  were  heavy,  their  case  was  not  desperate. 

Various  disjointed  attempts  had  been  made  at  differ 
ent  points  during  the  Seven  Years'  War,  but  after  the  re 
duction  of  Louisbourg  in  1758,  Pitt  determined  to  attack 
New  France  at  every  available  point  at  once,  making  use 
of  his  great  numerical  superiority  and  command  of  the 
sea  for  that  purpose.  Amherst  was  to  move  up  Lake 


310     Colonial   Fights  and  Fighters 

Champlain,  Prideaux  and  Sir  William  Johnson  were  to 
attack  Fort  Niagara,  Stanwix  was  to  sweep  the  posts 
on  Lake  Erie,  and  Forbes,  with  Washington,  was  to 
effect  the  reduction  of  Fort  Du  Quesne.  The  main  expe 
dition  was  directed  against  Quebec  itself,  and  comprised 
twenty-two  ships  of  the  line,  with  accompanying  frigates 
and  transports,  under  the  command  of  Vice  Admiral 
Saunders,  convoying  nine  thousand  men  under  James 
Wolfe.  The  genius  of  Pitt  had  led  him  to  select  this 
young  man  from  hundreds  of  others  his  seniors  in  rank — 
an  unprecedented  proceeding,  by  the  way — and  he  had 
given  him  the  temporary  rank  of  major  general  for  the 
American  campaign.  His  force,  consisting  of  English 
and  Provincial  troops,  all  regulars,  was  one  of  the  best 
that  had  ever  been  assembled  under  the  British  flag. 
Wolfe's  brigadiers,  Monckton,  Townshend,  and  Murray, 
were  also  young  and  capable  soldiers.  The  army  was 
officered  by  young  men.  Pitt's  idea  was  that  an  army 
was  to  win  battles  and  campaigns,  and  not  to  become  a 
plaything  for  incompetent  officers  who  possessed  noth 
ing  but  rank. 

On  the  2ist  of  June,  the  expedition  anchored  off  the 
Isle  of  Orleans,  a  few  miles  below  Quebec,  in  the  noble 
river  St.  Lawrence.  Leaving  the  different  garrisons 
along  the  frontier  to  defend  themselves  as  best  they 
might,  Montcalm  had  concentrated  his  army  at  Quebec. 
He  -had  under  his  command  a  force  probably  of  fourteen 
thousand  men,  of  which  not  more  than  four  thousand 
were  regulars.  Of  the  balance,  some  were  Canadian 
militia,  and  the  larger  number  partisans,  Indians  and  un 
disciplined  peasants. 

The  city  he  had  elected  to  defend  commanded  the 
St.  Lawrence,  the  great  way  of  communication  through 


The  Fall  of  Quebec  311 

the  country.  Its  site  was  one  of  the  most  magnificent 
on  the  continent,  if  not  in  the  world.  "  Que  Bee!  "  had 
exclaimed  the  rough  sailor  of  Dieppe  in  1535,  when 
he  first  caught  sight  of  the  rock  of  Cape  Diamond, 
towering  for  over  three  hundred  feet  in  the  air,  over 
looking  the  deep  land-locked  basin  which  made  the 
magnificent  harbor.  Upon  the  crest  of  this  tremendous 
mass  of  granite  which  stands  almost  perpendicular  to 
the  river  had  been  erected  a  fortress.  Toward  the  north 
the  rock  sloped  gently  down  until  it  was  broken  by  a 
rugged  plateau  half  way  to  the  water's  edge,  and  upon  it 
stood  a  walled  town  containing  the  Cathedral,  the  Laval 
University,  the  Ursuline  Convent,  and  the  Chateau  St. 
Louis,  the  residence  of  the  governor.  Still  farther  down 
on  the  strand  was  the  lowrer  town,  bounded  on  the  north 
by  the  river  St.  Charles. 

Along  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  for  seven  miles 
to  the  northward  straggled  the  villages  of  Charlesbourg 
and  Beauport.  The  St.  Charles  emptied  into  the  St. 
Lawrence  through  a  broad  expanse  of  mud  flats  almost 
impassable  at  low  tide  and  guarded  by  heavy  fortifica 
tions  at  high  water,  together  with  a  barrier  and  two 
floating  batteries.  These  fortifications  were  continued 
for  seven  miles  along  the  edge  of  the  bluffs  of  Beau- 
port,  and  terminated  on  the  deep  gorge  of  the  rapid  and 
practically  unfordable  Montmorency  River,  which,  just 
before  it  reaches  the  St.  Lawrence,  leaps  down  the 
cliffs  in  a  sheer  fall  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  feet,  in  a 
glorious  and  beautiful  cataract.  Beyond  the  citadel  on 
the  southern  side  of  the  city  for  eight  miles  there  was  a 
continuation  of  the  plateau.  The  tableland  terminated 
on  the  river  coast  in  sheer  and  precipitous  rocks  over 
grown  here  and  there  by  stunted  patches  of  trees  and 


Map  of  the  Siege  of  Quebec  and  Plan  of  the  Battle  on  the  Plains 
of  Abraham. 


The  Fall  of  Quebec  313 

shrubbery.  On  the  south,  at  Cap-Rouge,  it  was  pro 
tected  by  another  gorge  and  river,  and  on  the  other  side 
by  rocky  and  impracticable  slopes  to  the  valley  of  the 
Charles.  One  or  two  places  where  the  cliffs  could  be 
scaled  were  guarded,  though  their  existence  was  un 
known  to  the  English. 

Montcalm,  after  properly  garrisoning  the  town,  wisely 
chose  to  await  attack  in  the  intrenchments  at  Beauport. 
But  the  situation  on  the  French  side  was  not  pleasant. 
The  governor  of  New  France,  Philippe  de  Rigaud,  Mar 
quis  de  Vaudreuil,  a  captain  in  the  French  navy,  was  a 
jealous  incompetent.  No  sort  of  harmony  existed  be 
tween  him  and  Lieutenant  General  Montcalm.  The 
general  administration  of  affairs  was  under  de  Vaudreuil, 
while  Montcalm  was  supreme  as  to  military  matters,  with 
the  limitations  of  power  not  well  defined  between  them. 
To  further  complicate  matters,  finance  and  trade  were 
controlled  by  Francois  Bigot,  one  of  the  most  consum 
mate  thieves  and  scoundrels  who  ever  lived.  The  ad 
ministration  of  internal  affairs  was  thoroughly  corrupt. 
The  king  was  robbed  on  the  one  hand,  the  people  on  the 
other.  While  the  people  starved,  and  the  army  lived  on 
half  rations,  de  Vaudreuil  and  Bigot  and  their  satellites 
rioted  in  luxury  on  the  plunder  of  their  country. 

Montcalm,  a  stern  and  simple  soldier,  struggled  vainly 
against  this  state  of  affairs,  but  he  was  without  power 
except  so  far  as  military  matters  were  concerned.  Be 
fore  the  expedition  of  Wolfe  had  arrived,  realizing  the 
importance  of  the  possession  of  Quebec,  he  had  sent  his 
lieutenant,  Bougainville,  afterward  the  celebrated  cir 
cumnavigator,  to  France  to  beg  aid.  The  king,  busy 
with  his  Pompadour  and  his  Pare  aux  Ccrfs  and  other 
similar  matters  of  state,  had  sent  him  a  promotion,  a  star, 


Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

some  four  hundred  men,  and  some  scanty  supplies,  with 
instructions  to  hold  on  to  the  province  at  all  hazards! 
"  A  little  is  precious  to  those  who  have  nothing,"  sadly 
remarked  Montcalm,  when  Bougainville  exhibited  the 
results  of  his  labors.  He  said  that  he  would  save  the 
colony  or  die  in  it.  The  words  meant  much  from  him. 
The  gallant  little  marquis  was  a  domestic  man,  and  was 
ever  sighing  for  the  advent  of  that  day  when  he  might 
return  to  France  to  his  beloved  country-seat  at  Candiac 
and  pass  his  days  in  peace  in  the  society  of  his  wife  and 
children.  Bougainville  had  brought  him  word  of  the 
death  of  one  of  his  children,  which  had  been  reported  just 
before  the  ship  sailed,  and  the  poor  man  never  found  out 
which  child  had  been  taken  from  him  until  he  met  her  in 
heaven.  His  letters  to  his  wife  and  mother,  read  to-day, 
after  a  century  and  a  half  of  silence,  still  touch  the  heart 
with  their  tenderness  and  love. 


II.    The  Repulse  on  the  Montmorency 

The  problem  that  met  Wolfe  was  one  of  the  most 
gigantic  with  which  the  human  mind  had  ever  grappled, 
and  how  to  compass  it  he  knew  not.  As  a  preliminary 
to  the  enterprise,  however,  he  captured  the  Isle  of  Orleans 
and  the  heights  of  Levis,  a  bold  promontory  opposite  the 
city.  On  the  latter,  he  erected  batteries,  which,  by  vig 
orous  bombardments  soon  reduced  the  lower  town  to 
ruins,  though  neither  from  the  batteries  nor  the  ships  was 
he  able  to  secure  sufficient  elevation  to  throw  shells  into 
the  upper  town,  much  less  the  citadel.  For  offensive  pur 
poses  his  ships  were  more  or  less  useless,  for  the  water  was 
shallow  on  the  Beauport  shore  and  the  batteries  were  so 
placed  that  they  could  fire  upon  the  ships  with  impunity. 


The  Fall   of  Quebec  315 

But  they  lent  mobility  to  his  force,  which  doubled  its 
effectiveness  and  signally  illustrated  the  advantage  of  sea 
command  in  warfare. 

Wolfe's  first  attempt  was  to  land  his  men  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  Montmorency  River  and  then  try  to  find  some 
way  through  the  dense  virgin  forests  to  cross  the  river 
and  turn  Montcalm's  left.  The  condition  of  the  country 
made  this  impossible.  There  was  but  one  doubtful  ford, 
which  was  guarded.  One  of  Wolfe's  advance  parties  was 
badly  handled  by  the  French  and  Indians.  The  open 
season  in  the  latitude  of  Quebec  lasts  but  a  few  months 
and  the  whole  army,  working  during  the  whole  time, 
could  not  have  opened  a  road  for  the  advance.  The  plan 
was  necessarily  abandoned. 

The  cliff  over  which  the  Montmorency  River  rushes  to 
meet  the  St.  Lawrence  is  several  hundred  feet  back  from 
the  low  water  mark,  and  when  the  tide,  which  ebbs  and 
flows  in  the  river  as  in  the  ocean,  was  out,  it  was  possi 
ble  to  ford  the  smaller  stream;  so  Wolfe  next  decided  to 
make  an  attack  upon  some  detached  fortifications  which 
apparently  constituted  the  extreme  flank  of  Montcalm's 
line,  commanded  by  de  Levis.  He  trusted  that,  if  he 
could  gain  them,  he  might  turn  the  flank  of  the  line,  make 
the  intrenchments  untenable,  and  force  Montcalm  to 
fight.  Therefore,  with  the  cooperation  of  the  navy, 
which  was  always  cheerfully  given,  he  determined  upon 
this  desperate  plan. 

On  the  morning  of  July  3ist,  the  line-of-battle  ship 
Centurion,  64,  with  two  armed  transports,  moved 
down  opposite  to  the  destined  spot.  The  transports 
went  so  far  in  shore  that  they  grounded  on  the  flats,  but 
all  opened  a  furious  bombardment  on  the  redoubts. 
When  the  tide  was  completely  out,  Wolfe,  leading  in 


316     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

person  the  Grenadiers,  the  Royal  Americans,  and  the 
Highlanders,  which  had  been  embarked  in  boats,  made 
for  the  land.  At  the  same  time,  Monckton's  brigade 
started  down  from  the  intrenched  camp  upon  the  heights 
of  Montmorency  to  support  the  attack  from  the  river. 

The  Royal  Americans  and  the  Grenadiers  first  reached 
the  shore.  Without  waiting  to  be  formed  and  with  no 
attempt  at  order,  disregarding  entirely  the  commands  of 
their  officers  and  without  the  support  of  Monckton's  col 
umn,  they  rushed  impetuously  pellmell  toward  the  re 
doubts,  the  French  retreating  before  them  as  they  came 
on.  Swarming  over  the  redoubts  they  attempted  to 
ascend  the  hill,  which,  they  discovered  too  late,  bristled 
with  fortifications  commanding  every  slope.  They  were 
met  by  a  deadly  fire  and  in  a  few  moments  were  driven 
tumultuously  down  the  hill  where  they  took  shelter  be 
hind  the  useless  redoubts.  Over  four  hundred  had  been 
killed  and  wounded  in  a  few  moments.  A  violent  rain 
storm  now  came  up,  and  after  it  was  over,  Wolfe,  who  had 
kept  the  Highlanders  well  in  hand,  seeing  the  futility  of 
further  attack,  ordered  his  men  to  their  boats.  Acts  of 
great  gallantry  were  performed  by  many  of  the  men  in 
bringing  in  the  wounded,  whom  the  Indians  were  already 
creeping  down  the  hills  to  scalp.  Monckton's  brigade 
did  not  get  in  action  at  all. 

Wolfe  severely  censured  the  reckless  and  disorderly 
conduct  of  the  Grenadiers  and  Americans;  but  while  the 
censure  was  deserved,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  any  dif 
ferent  result  could  have  been  expected.  The  transports 
were  burned.  The  French  exulted  greatly  over  the  re 
pulse. 


The  Fall  of  Quebec  317 

III.    On  the  Plains  of  Abraham 

About  this  time  the  English  general,  whose  physique 
was  of  the  frailest,  was  seized  by  a  low  fever  and  pros 
trated  by  a  wasting  disease,  and  his  life  was  despaired  of. 
To  the  great  joy  of  the  army,  however,  he  recovered,  in 
part  at  least,  and  resumed  command.  As  the  season  was 
drawing  on  and  they  had  made  no  progress,  in  his  des 
peration,  he  suggested  to  his  brigadiers  several  plans  of 
attack  upon  Beauport,  Charlesbourg,  and  the  lower  town, 
which  they  wisely  rejected  as  impossible.  There  re 
mained  but  one  other  thing  to  be  tried.  If  by  any  means 
he  could  get  a  foothold  upon  the  plateau  above  Quebec, 
he  could  force  Montcalm  to  come  out  in  the  open  and 
fight,  and  in  that  event,  he  had  no  doubt  of  the  issue.  A 
Scotsman,  Captain  Stobo,  who  had  been  taken  as  a  hos 
tage  from  Washington's  command  at  Fort  Necessity  and 
had  been  detained  for  many  years  at  Quebec,  had  effected 
his  escape  that  spring,  and  joined  Wolfe's  army.  He  in 
formed  the  commander  that  there  was  one  practicable 
path  up  the  cliffs,  in  a  little  cove  called  Anse  de  Foulon, 
and  he  offered  to  conduct  a  party  to  that  point.  It  was 
their  last  chance,  and  Wolfe  determined  to  embrace  it. 

The  army  and  fleet  had  not  been  idle;  at  different  in 
tervals  during  the  summer  many  ships  had  succeeded  in 
running  the  batteries  of  Quebec,  and  had  anchored  in 
the  river  above  the  town.  Various  expeditions  had  been 
undertaken,  some  to  ravage  the  country  on  every  side, 
and  others  to  menace  Cap-Rouge  and  vicinity,  to  stop 
the  provisions  from  coming  down  the  river  from  Mon 
treal.  Several  attempts  to  destroy  the  fleet  by  French 
fire-ships  had  been  thwarted  by  the  vigilance  of  the  offi 
cers  and  the  daring  of  the  men.  Montcalm  had  detached 


318     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

some  two  thousand  men  under  the  command  of  Bougain 
ville,  who  was  stationed  at  Cap-Rouge.  Saunders  had 
warned  Wolfe  that  whatever  he  did  he  was  to  do  quickly, 
for  the  near  approach  of  the  Canadian  winter  rendered  it 
imperative  for  him  to  take  his  ships  out  of  the  harbor  if 
they  were  not  to  be  frozen  up  until  the  next  spring.  The 
French  had  about  concluded  that  all  danger  for  the  year 
had  passed,  but  Montcalm  had  not  relaxed  his  vigilance 
in  the  slightest  degree.  The  Canadian  peasants,  watch 
ing  the  burning  of  their  farmhouses  and  the  devastation 
of  their  country  from  the  shores  of  Quebec,  were  desert 
ing  in  great  numbers.  Provisions  were  short,  and  sup 
plies  were  shorter.  Still  Montcalm  held  on,  hoping  that 
the  cold  weather  would  relieve  him  from  the  presence  of 
his  persistent  enemy;  he  counted  without  his  host. 

On  the  3rd  of  September,  the  camp  at  Montmorency 
was  abandoned,  and  troops  to  the  number  of  thirty-six 
hundred  were  embarked  on  the  ships  of  Holmes'  squad 
ron  above  the  town.  Wolfe,  in  a  small  boat,  carefully 
examined  the  shore,  and  verified  the  existence  of  Stobo's 
path.  By  the  white  tents  at  the  top  of  the  hill  he  saw 
that  it  was  guarded,  but  he  thought  there  was  a  possibil 
ity  that  the  guard  might  be  negligent  and  that  he  could 
surprise  it.  On  the  4th,  he  fell  desperately  ill  again. 
Only  his  indomitable  energy  kept  him  alive.  He  said  to 
the  surgeon  that  he  knew  his  end  was  near,  but  he  begged 
him  to  patch  him  up  for  a  few  days  to  enable  him  to  com 
plete  the  undertaking.  On  the  7th,  he  was  so  far  re 
covered  as  to  order  a  feint  at  Cap-Rouge.  The  ships  ran 
into  the  cove  of  the  river,  and  smartly  engaged  the  bat 
teries  and  Bougainville's  troops.  The  next  two  days  it 
rained,  to  the  great  discomfort  of  every  one,  and  for  three 
days  thereafter  the  ships  moved  up  and  down  the  river 


The  Fall  of  Quebec  319 

with  the  tide,  making  feints  at  landing  at  different  points 
and  completely  wearing  out  the  Frenchmen  on  shore. 

On  the  evening  of  the  i2th,  they  anchored  off  Cap- 
Rouge  again.  It  was  the  night  selected  for  the  under 
taking.  Wolfe  had  depleted  the  garrisons  at  Orleans 
and  Point  Levis  to  the  danger  limit,  and  twelve  hundred 
men  marched  up  the  opposite  shore,  and  lay  on  their 
arms  until  the  morning.  The  total  force  of  the  expe 
dition,  therefore,  was  about  forty-eight  hundred  men. 
Wolfe  had  lost  over  one  thousand  in  killed  and  wounded 
in  the  different  attacks  and  in  raids,  and  there  were  many 
sick  and  disabled  in  the  hospitals.  A  fortunate  circum 
stance  prepared  the  way  for  the  attack.  It  had  been 
learned  from  a  deserter  that  arrangements  had  been  made 
to  float  several  boatloads  of  provisions  from  Cap-Rouge 
down  to  Quebec  under  cover  of  the  darkness.  The  plan 
was  abandoned,  but  the  sentries  on  the  river  were  not 
notified  of  the  change.  In  the  cabin  of  the  Suther 
land  the  young  commander  sat  waiting  for  the  ebb. 
With  him  was  a  young  naval  officer  named  John  Jervis, 
who  had  been  a  schoolfellow  and  boy  friend  in  England. 
He  lived  to  become  one  of  the  greatest  of  English  ad 
mirals,  and  he  related  afterward  that  Wolfe,  after  charg 
ing  him  with  messages  to  his  mother,  took  from  his  neck 
a  miniature  of  a  beautiful  young  woman,  Miss  Lowther, 
to  whom  he  was  betrothed,  and  whose  picture  he  had 
habitually  worn;  that  he  gave  it  to  his  friend  with  in 
structions  as  to  its  disposition  after  the  action,  which  he 
felt  assured  he  would  not  survive.  I  like  to  dwell  upon 
him  as  he  sits  there,  a  dying  man,  in  the  flickering  lamp 
light  in  the  rude  cabin  of  the  ship,  on  the  eve  of  his  des 
perate  hazard,  thinking  of  home  and  mother  and  sweet 
heart  and  friends. 


320     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

About  two  in  the  morning,  the  night  being  very  dark 
and  rainy,  the  boats  were  cast  off,  and  silently  drifted 
down  the  river  with  the  young  ebb,  the  ships  following  a 
little  later.  In  the  first  boat  was  Wolfe  himself  with  his 
staff.  An  officer  of  the  Highlanders,  who  spoke  French 
like  a  native,  was  stationed  forward.  In  this  boat  and 
the  next  were  twenty-four  men  from  the  light  infantry 
who  had  been  chosen  from  numberless  volunteers  as  a  for 
lorn  hope  to  lead  the  assault.  They  were  under  the  com 
mand  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  William  Howe,  who  later 
crossed  swords  with  Washington  from  Long  Island  to 
the  Brandywine.  Not  a  light  was  shown  in  any  boat, 
and  in  perfect  silence  they  swiftly  floated  down  the  river. 
The  stillness  of  the  night,  the  desperate  nature  of  their 
attack,  the  mysterious  loneliness  of  the  towering  shores, 
must  have  filled  their  hearts  with  awe.  In  Wolfe's  boat, 
he  himself  broke  the  silence  by  reciting  some  of  the 
verses  of  Gray's  famous  Elegy.  Those  who  were  with 
him  love  to  recall  that  he  said  afterward  that  he  would 
rather  have  written  that  poem  than  capture  Quebec. 
As  they  passed  one  of  the  jutting  curves  of  the  Palisades, 
a  sharp  voice  from  the  shore  broke  the  silence  with  the 
challenge  "  Qui  vive!  "  "  France,"  was  the  instant  re 
ply  made  by  the  Highlander.  "  A  quel  regiment? " 
"  De  la  Reine"  said  the  officer  with  great  presence  of 
mind,  naming  a  regiment  which  was  known  to  be  at  Cap- 
Rouge.  That  was  all.  The  hearts  of  the  officers  and 
men  in  the  boats  must  have  stood  still.  If  they  were 
discovered  they  were  lost;  but  the  sentry,  apparently  sat 
isfied,  said  nothing  more,  and  they  drifted  on.  They 
were  hailed  again,  and  the  same  Highlander  answered 
that  they  were  provision  boats  and  that  silence  must  be 
kept  or  they  would  be  betrayed  to  the  English.  The 


The  Fall  of  Quebec  321 

current  bore  them  swiftly  around  a  great  headland  and 
into  a  little  cove  to  the  landing  place;  so  swiftly  in  fact, 
that  the  boats  brought  to  the  shore  somewhat  below  the 
destined  spot.  It  was  after  four  in  the  morning  now. 

Led  by  the  Scotsman,  they  soon  reached  the  foot  of 
the  path.  On  the  top  of  the  hill  the  lights  of  the  small 
encampment  could  be  seen.  Montcalm  had  ordered  the 
place  carefully  guarded.  A  picket  of  a  hundred  men  was 
stationed  there  under  the  command  of  Captain  de  Ver- 
gor.  This  captain  had  been  tried  for  cowardice  and 
gross  neglect  of  duty,  of  both  of  which  he  was  undoubt 
edly  guilty,  while  in  command  of  the  fortress  of  Beause- 
jour.  Bigot  and  de  Vaudreuil  had,  however,  interfered 
to  procure  his  acquittal.  In  disobedience  of  his  orders, 
he  had  now  allowed  the  larger  portion  of  his  party,  who 
were  Canadian  militia,  to  leave  their  posts  and  go  home 
to  harvest  their  crops.  He  himself  was  fast  asleep,  and 
a  negligent  watch  was  kept.  A  part  of  the  battalion 
Guyenne,  which  had  been  ordered  to  camp  near  the  spot, 
by  some  mistake  had  never  left  the  Charles  River.  There 
were  batteries  scattered  here  and  there  along  the  shore 
at  Samos  and  Sillery.  Apparently  all  were  asleep  and 
unsuspecting. 

As  the  men  disembarked,  Wolfe  and  his  officers  ad 
vanced  to  the  narrow  path  trailing  up  the  face  of  the  cliff. 
They  found  it  had  been  barricaded.  Howe  and  his  men, 
however,  thought  they  could  get  up  the  side  of  the  cliff, 
which  is  here  somewhat  less  precipitous  and  is  thickly 
wooded,  by  clinging  to  the  projecting  trees.  "  You  may 
try  it,"  said  Wolfe,  "  though  I  do  not  think  you  will  suc 
ceed."  In  silence  he  and  his  companions  watched  the 
forlorn  hope  scale  the  Palisades,  while  boat  after  boat 
discharged  its  load  and  went  back  to  the  ships  for  more. 

21 


322      Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

There  was  a  crashing  here  and  there  among  the  trees  and 
bushes  as  they  disappeared,  then  silence.  Presently  the 
eager  listeners  heard  the  sound  of  a  rifle  shot,  and  then 
more  and  more,  a  perfect  fusillade,  then  a  British  cheer! 
Concealment  was  at  an  end.  The  men  at  a  nod  from 
Wolfe  sprang  at  the  barricades  on  the  path  and  soon  tore 
them  to  pieces,  and  then,  in  a  long  sinuous,  red  line,  they 
toiled  up  the  cliff  toward  the  top,  Wolfe  among  the  first. 
De  Vergor,  the  coward,  had  attempted  to  fly,  and  had 
been  wounded  and  captured.  The  fall  of  New  France 
rests  absolutely  upon  his  shoulders.  With  his  picket  he 
could  have  kept  down  Wolfe's  whole  army.  As  fast  as 
the  regiments  climbed  the  hill  they  were  deployed.  The 
day  was  just  breaking.  Meanwhile,  the  boats  had  been 
sent  back  for  the  party  on  the  other  shore,  and  it  was 
being  rapidly  ferried  over.  The  sailors  of  the  squadron 
dragged  up  two  small  pieces  of  artillery.  The  batteries 
at  Samos  and  Sillery  were  attacked  at  once,  and  carried 
by  surprise. 

At  the  other  end  of  the  long  line,  Montcalm,  supremely 
confident,  was  held  in  his  intrenchments  by  Admiral 
Saunders.  Boats  filled  with  soldiers  and  marines  moved 
to  and  fro  in  front  of  the  Beauport  shore,  and  the  ships 
of  the  fleet  dropped  down  and  opened  a  furious  cannonade 
upon  the  line,  as  if  to  cover  an  attack.  Montcalm  was 
up  all  night,  watchful  and  ready.  He  was  astonished, 
therefore,  when  a  courier  galloped  breathlessly  up  to  him, 
threw  himself  from  his  horse,  and  shouted  that  the  Eng 
lish  had  established  themselves  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham. 
"  They  have  got  to  the  weak  side  of  us  at  last,  and  we 
must  crush  them  with  our  numbers,"  was  the  reply. 
There  was  galloping  in  hot  haste  in  every  direction. 
With  quick  intelligence  he  realized  now  that  he  had  to 


The  Fall  of  Quebec  323 

fight  a  battle,  whether  he  would  or  no,  and  that  the  fate  of 
Quebec  hung  trembling  in  the  balance.  He  took  horse 
at  once,  and  stopping  a  moment  to  speak  with  de  Vau- 
dreuil,  he  rode  in  haste  toward  the  town,  with  fixed  look, 
saying  nothing. 

In  the  gray  of  the  morning  the  soldiers  of  Beauport 
and  Charlesbourg  took  up  the  line  of  march,  trampling 
over  the  bridge,  passing  through  the  streets  of  the 
startled  town.  Some  of  the  famous  battalions  of  France 
— Beam,  La  Sarre,  Guyenne,  Languedoc,  and  Royal 
Rousillon — were  under  Montcalm's  command,  backed 
by  large  numbers  of  militia,  coureurs  de  bois  in  leather 
hunting-suits,  and  painted,  plumed  Indians.  He  hoped 
to  drive  Wolfe  into  the  sea.  Sending  expresses  to  de 
Vaudreuil  to  bring  up  the  militia  and  de  Ramesay  to  send 
him  artillery  from  the  battery  of  twenty-four  field  pieces 
in  Quebec,  he  rode  in  person  to  the  scene  of  the  conflict. 

About  six  in  the  morning,  the  English,  who  had  break 
fasted,  were  drawn  up  in  the  battle  formation  of  that  day 
in  three  ranks.  As  the  line  was  not  long  enough  to 
stretch  from  one  side  of  the  plateau  to  the  other,  the  left 
flank  under  Townshend  was  refused.  One  regiment 
had  been  thrown  backward  to  hold  in  check  Bougain 
ville.  Another  was  held  in  reserve,  leaving  about  thirty- 
five  hundred  men  on  the  fighting  line.  The  field  was 
an  open  one,  partly  cultivated,  with  clumps  of  trees  and 
thickets  on  either  side.  Already  the  underbrush  was 
filling  with  savages  and  partisans,  and  the  bullets  were 
beginning  to  fall  in  the  English  line,  the  men  lying  down 
and  skirmishing  heavily.  The  sky  was  overcast,  and  the 
rain  fell  in  fitful  showers. 

Wolfe  commanded  in  person.  He  walked  up  and 
down  exhorting  and  encouraging  his  men  while  he 


324     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

waited  for  Montcalm.  Not  an  heroic-looking  man,  with 
his  long,  pointed  nose,  receding  forehead  and  chin,  red 
hair,  with  a  head  set  upon  sloping  shoulders;  a  slender, 
emaciated  figure  over  six  feet  in  height;  but  there  was  a 
flash  in  his  eye  and  a  look  in  his  bearing  which  proclaimed 
a  soldier,  and  all  the  men  of  his  army  loved  him.  His 
illness  was  gone,  and  he  seemed  full  of  vigor  and  energy. 
As  he  passed  down  the  lines  they  greeted  him  with 
cheers. 

Presently,  over  the  crest  of  a  little  hill  which  shut  off 
the  view  of  Quebec,  appeared  the  white  coats  of  the 
enemy.  Very  pretty  they  looked  against  the  green  grass 
that  rainy  morning.  There  was  much  manoeuvring  to 
and  fro,  readjusting  of  lines,  deploying  of  battalions. 
There  were  men  on  horseback  there  too.  The  great 
Frenchman  had  his  moment  of  parade.  He  too  had  rid 
den  up  and  down  his  line,  sword  in  hand,  calling  upon 
the  chivalry  of  France  for  a  last  effort  to  sweep  the  hated 
English  into  the  sea,  and  with  equal  spirit  they  had  re 
sponded.  The  three  field  pieces  which  de  Ramesay  had 
grudgingly  sent  forward  began  to  play  on  the  two  naval 
guns  of  the  English.  Throwing  a  mass  of  militia,  Cana 
dian  woodsmen  and  Indians  on  the  left  flank,  to  turn  it 
if  possible,  and  opening  a  heavy  fire  from  the  trees  and 
bushes  on  both  sides,  at  ten  o'clock,  the  French  army, 
numbering  about  four  thousand  five  hundred,  began  to 
move  with  Montcalm  leading  in  person. 

The  generalship  of  Montcalm  in  making  this  attack 
has  been  questioned.  There  was  no  question  as  to  the 
necessity  of  fighting.  His  position  was  untenable,  his 
communications  broken,  his  supplies  stopped,  unless  he 
could  drive  the  English  from  the  position;  but  the  neces 
sity  for  fighting  at  that  moment  was  not  apparent. 


PQ 


Death  of  Wolfe. 


The  Fall  of  Quebec  325 

There  were  at  Cap-Rouge  two  thousand  good  troops 
under  Bougainville,  an  officer  of  great  merit;  back  of 
him,  at  Beauport,  were  perhaps  five  thousand  more, 
rather  indifferent,  but  still  counting  for  something,  if  de 
Vaudreuil  could  be  induced  to  bring  them  up.  A  delay 
and  a  more  imperative  order  probably  would  have  brought 
him  more  guns  than  those  de  Ramesay  had  sent  him.  By 
waiting  he  might  have  strengthened  his  army,  and  with 
Bougainville's  assistance  taken  the  English  between  two 
fires.  We  can  only  suppose  that  he  underrated  the 
strength  of  the  thin  red  line  across  the  green  sward  under 
the  great  red  flag,  and  that  he  imagined  from  his  pre 
vious  experiences  with  the  English,  which  had  been 
fortunate,  that  he  could  easily  beat  them.  He  did  not 
realize  that  they  were  led  by  a  hero  of  heroes,  that  they 
were  among  the  finest  soldiery  in  the  world,  that  they  had 
their  back  against  a  precipice,  and  that  they  must  con 
quer  or  be  exterminated.  So  in  a  fatal  hour,  he  ordered 
the  advance. 

The  regiments  came  on  in  some  little  confusion,  but 
still  presented  a  brave  show.  They  were  pouring  trueir 
fire  into  the  stolid,  silent  English  ranks;  the  skirmishers 
had  withdrawn  on  the  main  body,  the  men  were  ready. 
Wolfe  had  given  strict  orders  that  the  fire  of  his  army 
should  be  held.  The  bullets  of  the  French  opened  gaps 
here  and  there;  men  fell  and  lay  groaning,  or  still,  on  the 
sod.  In  obedience  to  his  quick  orders,  the  ranks  were 
continually  closed,  and  the  grim  front  presented  itself 
unbroken.  The  leader  was  everywhere  cheering  and 
animating  his  veterans.  The  French  were  nearer  now, 
the  bullets  were  coming  harder.  They  were  but  sixty 
yards  away — fifty — forty — twenty — the  English  soldiers 
could  see  the  whites  of  the  eyes  of  the  French.  A  sharp 


326     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

word  of  command  rang  out,  the  gun-barrels  came  down; 
with  a  crash  like  the  discharge  of  a  battery  of  cannon,  the 
front  rank  fired  a  volley.  A  moment  after,  the  second 
rank  delivered  its  fire,  and  as  soon  as  the  smoke  cleared 
away,  the  third  rank  poured  in  a  deadly  discharge. 

The  head  of  the  French  army  literally  had  been  blown 
to  pieces.  The  advance  was  halted.  The  ground  was 
covered  with  writhing  figures,  the  white  coats,  blood 
stained,  showing  plainly  upon  the  green  grass.  The  line 
was  reeling  to  and  fro  like  a  drunken  man.  There  were 
not  so  many  horsemen  now.  Montcalm,  Senezergues, 
and  the  other  officers  made  frantic  efforts  to  reform  the 
lines.  The  French  regulars  responded  gallantly,  rally 
ing  and  returning  the  fire,  but  nothing  could  stand  be 
fore  the  deadly  regularity  of  the  English  discharges. 
Volley  after  volley  rang  out  over  the  plain.  The  par 
tisans  in  the  bushes  still  kept  up  a  fire.  Townshend  led 
his  men  forward  and  cleared  the  left  flank,  and  then 
turned  on  the  centre,  where  the  French  still  fought  on. 
Monckton  was  badly  wounded.  The  battle  was  not  yet 
over.  "  Forward !  Forward !  "  cried  Wolfe,  his  soul 
aflame,  and  he  leaped  to  the  front  of  the  Louisbourg 
Grenadiers  on  the  right.  With  wild  cheers  the  army 
advanced,  first  on  the  double-quick  and  then  in  a  wild 
run.  Frazier's  Highlanders,  throwing  aside  their  mus 
kets  and  waving  their  terrible  claymores,  led  them  all. 
Menaced  on  three  sides,  there  was  fight  in  the  French 
yet.  The  shattered  battalions  met  the  advance  with  all 
the  heroism  and  gallantry  of  their  noblest  traditions. 

A  bullet  struck  Wolfe  in  the  left  wrist.  He  caught 
his  handkerchief  about  it,  and  pressed  on;  another  hit 
him  in  the  body,  still  he  kept  his  place  at  the  head  of  the 
Grenadiers.  Presently  a  third  struck  him,  in  the  ab- 


The  Fall  of  Quebec  327 

domen,  inflicting  a  dreadful  wound.  "  Don't  let  me 
fall! "  he  cried  to  those  nearest  him,  "  lest  I  discourage 
the  men."  One  or  two  sprang  to  his  side,  caught  him 
in  their  arms,  and  laid  him  down  on  the  grass.  The 
Grenadiers  who  had  seen  it  all  gritted  their  teeth,  and 
pressed  on  with  red  revenge  in  their  hearts.  There  was 
a  hand  to  hand  melee.  The  French  regulars  died  gal 
lantly,  the  Canadian  volunteers  fied,  the  Indians  had 
gone  long  since;  but  nothing  could  stop  the  British 
bayonet,  the  Highland  steel.  The  French  broke  and 
ran;  the  real  fighting  had  lasted  but  a  quarter  of  an  hour! 

IV.    The  Death  of  the  Great  Captains 

Back  on  the  grass  the  life  blood  of  Wolfe  was  ebbing 
away.  "  It  is  all  over  with  me,"  he  said  to  one  of  the 
bystanders;  and  a  moment  after  as  he  heard  one  of  them 
cry  "  They  run!  They  run!  "  "  Who  run?  "  he  asked, 
opening  his  eyes. 

"  The  enemy,  sir.    They  give  way  everywhere." 

"  Go,  one  of  you  to  Colonel  Burton,"  he  returned,  still 
intent  upon  his  duty  in  the  very  articles  of  death,  with 
the  clear  instinct  of  a  soldier  still  undimmed;  "tell  him 
to  march  Webb's  regiment  down  to  Charles  River  to  cut 
off  their  retreat  from  the  bridge!  " 

It  was  his  last  order.  He  turned  on  his  side  exclaim 
ing,  "  Now,  God  be  praised,  I  will  die  in  peace,"  and 
when  they  looked  at  him  again  he  was  dead. 

Montcalm,  still  on  horseback,  commanding,  implor 
ing,  entreating,  was  swept  back  by  the  flying  crowd  tow 
ard  the  town.  Just  before  he  reached  the  St.  Louis  gate 
a  bullet  passed  through  his  body.  He  would  have  fallen 
had  not  two  soldiers  supported  him  on  either  side.  In- 


328     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

side  the  gate  the  townspeople  were  listening  with  bated 
breath  to  the  roar  of  the  battle  outside  the  walls.  As  he 
entered,  they  saw  his  white  shirt  covered  with  blood. 

"  Oy  mon  Dieu !  mon  Dien !  le  Marquis  est  tut!" 
(Alas,  alas,  the  marquis  is  killed),  cried  a  woman. 

"  Ce  nest  rien,  ce  nest  rien ;  ne  vous  affligez  pas  pour 
moi,  mes  bonnes  amies"  (It  is  nothing,  it  is  nothing  1 
Have  no  anxiety  for  me,  my  good  friends),  he  replied. 

Those  of  the  army  who  could  do  so  found  shelter  in 
the  city.  The  greater  number  poured  down  the  Cote 
St.  Genevieve  toward  Charlesbourg  bridge  to  regain 
their  intrenchments.  A  little  body  of  Canadians  threw 
themselves  into  a  thicket,  and  opened  a  hot  fire  upon 
the  advancing  English  to  protect  the  retreat,  and  by 
their  courage  redeemed  their  reputation.  They  were 
dislodged  by  the  Highlanders  after  a  furious  fight.  The 
delay  enabled  the  fugitives  to  cross  the  bridge  in  safety. 
In  the  French  camp  all  was  confusion.  The  English 
army  was  recalled  from  pursuit,  and  at  once  threw  up 
intrenchments.  When  Bougainville  appeared  it  was 
too  late  for  his  small  detachment  to  do  anything. 

The  casualties  on  both  sides  had  been  frightful. 
The  English  had  lost  some  seven  hundred  killed 
and  wounded,  including  Wolfe  killed  and  Monckton 
wounded.  The  French  had  lost  upward  of  fifteen  hun 
dred,  among  them  Montcalm  and  Senezergues,  both 
mortally  wounded.  There  was  much  that  the  French 
could  have  done;  but  the  spirit  went  out  of  the  army 
when  Montcalm  was  stricken  down,  and  they  fled  pre 
cipitately  to  Jacques-Cartier,  thirty  miles  away,  abandon 
ing  Quebec  to  its  fate. 

The  great  Frenchman  lay  dying  within  its  walls. 
When  the  surgeon  told  him  that  his  wound  was  mortal, 


The  Fall  of  Quebec  329 

"  I  am  glad  of  it,"  he  replied;  and  when  he  was  told,  in 
answer  to  his  question,  that  he  had  scarcely  twelve  hours 
to  live,  he  remarked,  "  So  much  the  better;  I  am  happy 
that  I  shall  not  live  to  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec." 
He  spoke  in  complimentary  terms  of  Wolfe  and  of  his  own 
successor,  de  Levis.  When  de  Ramesay,  the  commandant 
of  the  garrison,  came  to  get  orders  from  him,  he  refused 
to  give  any,  remarking,  "  I  have  much  business  that 
must  be  attended  to  of  greater  moment  than  your  ruined 
garrison  and  this  wretched  country."  A  different  end 
ing  from  that  of  the  great  English  soldier!  Yet  he  still 
thought  of  his  men.  One  of  his  last  acts  was  to  send  the 
following  note  to  Townshend,  who  had  succeeded  to  the 
command: 

"  Monsieur,  the  humanity  of  the  English  sets  my  mind  at  peace 
concerning  the  fate  of  the  French  prisoners  and  the  Canadians.  Feel 
toward  them  as  they  have  caused  me  to  feel.  Do  not  let  them  per 
ceive  that  they  have  changed  masters.  Be  their  protector  as  I  have 
been  their  father. " 

The  Bishop  of  Quebec,  himself  in  a  dying  condition, 
administered  the  last  sacraments,  and  at  four  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  on  the  I4th  of  September,  Montcalm 
quietly  entered  into  his  rest.  The  wife  and  the  children 
would  wait  long  for  him;  he  would  never  return  to  his 
beloved  Candiac.  No  one  could  be  found  to  make  a 
coffin,  and  an  old  servant  of  the  Ursuline  Convent,  pro 
curing  a  few  boards,  nailed  them  together  to  form  a 
rough  box.  In  it  they  laid  the  body  of  the  dead  cap 
tain,  and  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day  they  buried  him. 
There  was  no  escort,  no  funeral  pageantry;  the  officers 
of  the  garrison  and  some  of  the  people,  mostly  women 
and  children,  joined  the  silent  procession  along  the  de- 


330     Colonial  Fights  and  Fighters 

serted  streets.  A  shell  bursting  under  the  floor  of  the 
Ursuline  Convent  had  made  a  deep  cavity,  which  had 
been  shaped  into  a  rude  grave.  There  they  laid  him 
away,  and  as  the  clods  fell  upon  his  coffin,  they  sounded 
the  death  knell  of  New  France.  On  the  i8th  of  the 
month,  de  Ramesay  surrendered  the  town  to  the  Eng 
lish. 

A  month  later,  a  great  fleet  approached  the  chalk 
cliffs  of  England.  On  the  quarter-deck  of  the  line-of- 
battle  ship  Prince  William  lay  a  coffin.  It  contained 
all  that  was  left  of  Wolfe.  A  few  days  before  the  battle 
on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  Wolfe  had  sent  a  frank  and 
despondent  letter  to  Pitt,  in  which  he  told  of  his  failures 
and  the  slender  prospect  of  success.  It  had  been  made 
public,  and  the  English  people  were  not  prepared  for  the 
news  of  the  splendid  achievement  which  arrived  at  the 
same  time  as  the  dead  body  of  the  commander. 

Oh,  what  a  homecoming  was  there!  Such  mani 
festations  of  joy  have  not  often  been  seen  in  England, 
as  when  the  story  of  his  great  victory,  the  tale  of  his 
great  success,  had  been  spread  abroad.  Bonfires  blazed 
on  every  hill,  and  the  people  fairly  went  mad  with  en 
thusiasm;  but  no  sound  reached  the  dull  ear  of  the  dead 
soldier  on  the  great  ship,  in  peace  after  so  much  suffer 
ing,  so  much  struggling,  so  much  heroism,  such  high 
endeavor. 

There  was  quiet  in  one  little  hamlet  where  a  bereaved 
mother  thought  that  not  all  the  Empire  of  the  West, 
which  had  been  won  at  the  point  of  his  sword,  could 
compensate  for  the  loss  of  her  son;  and  in  another  home, 
another  woman  bowed  her  head  over  a  miniature  placed 
in  her  hand  by  a  gallant  sailor  who  told  her  the  story 


The  Fall  of  Quebec  331 

of  that  last  interview  in  the  cabin  of  the  ship  on  the  eve 
of  the  decisive  battle. 

"  O  Captain!  my  Captain!  our  fearful  trip  is  done, 
The  ship  h'OS  weather* d  every  rack,  the  prise  we  sought  is  won, 
The  port  is  near,  the  bells  I  hear,  the  people  all  exulting, 
While  follow  eyes  the  steady  keel,  the  vessel  grim  and  daring; 
Bttf  O  heart!  heart!  heart! 

O  the  bleeding  drops  of  red, 
Where  on  the  deck  my  Captain  lies, 
Fallen  celd  and  dead" 


[THE  END.] 


INDEX 


INDEX 


ABENAKIS  INDIANS,  137 

f\     Abercrombie,    Gen.,    de- 

/    \    feat      at      Ticonderoga, 
-^  -**  243,  263-283 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  the  peace  of,  185 
Alabamans,  18 
Amherst,  Maj.  Gen.  Jeffrey,  243, 

263,  282,  292-293,  297-303,  309 
Anasco,  D',  14,  28,  29-30 
Anastasia  Island,  47 
Annapolis,   169 
Anson,  211 
Antarctic     France,     attempt     to 

found  state  called,  34 
Appalache,  14,  39 
Appalachians,  16,  37 
Arethuse  (French  frigate),  297- 

298 

Armstrong,  Col.,  245,  256 
Arnold,  Benedict,  267 
Aviles,   Admiral   Pedro  Menen- 

dez  de,  39 
Ayllon,  Vasquez  de,  9 

B 

gALBOA,  Explorer,  81 

Balfour,    Commander,    300- 
302 

Barba,  Don  Antonio,  156-158 

Barbacoa,  79 

Bath,  102,  105 

Beaujeu,  Chevalier  de,  223;  suc 
ceeded  by  M.  Dumas,  226 ;  234 

Bellemont,   Lord,   Royal   Gover 
nor  of  New  York,  141 

Bienville,  M.,  24 


Bigot,  Francois,  313 

Blackbeard,  97;  his  journal,  100; 
he  intimidates  Gov.  Johnson  of 
South  Carolina,  102;  he  forms 
partnership  in  piracy  with  Gov. 
Eden  of  North  Carolina,  102; 
109,  no 

Blackbeard's  Island,  106 

Black  Watch,  266,  276;  last 
charge  of  the,  279-281 ;  284 

Bloody  Marsh,  Battle  of,  154-159 

Bobadilla,  Isabella  de,  wife  of  de 
Soto,  5-8,  14,  27,  30 

Bonnet,  Maj.  Stede,  106-117;  he 
turns  pirate,  107;  pirating  with 
Blackbeard,  109;  sea  fight  with 
Col.  Rhett,  111-114;  captured 
and  tried  for  piracy,  114-117; 
recaptured  and  hanged,  117 

Boscawen,  Admiral  Edward, 
263,  291,  293,  297,  303 

Bougainville,  Lieut.,  313-314, 
318,  323,  328 

Bouquet,  Col.  Henry,  246-252, 
255,  265 

Bourlamaque,  de,  279,  281 

Braddock,  Maj.  Gen.  Edward, 
personality  and  career,  205- 
210;  at  Fort  Du  Quesne,  211; 
his  campaign  in  the  Ohio  val 
ley,  211-239;  repulse  on  the 
Monongahela,  221-237;  his 
death,  232-236 

Bradley,  buccaneer,  captures 
Fort  St.  Lawrence,  74-78 

Bradstreet,  Col.,  243,  265,  273 

"  Brethren  of  the  Coast,"  62,  97 

Bridgetown,  Island  of  Barbados, 
107 


335 


336 


Index 


Brooks,  Commander,  181 
Brown,  Lieut.,  295 
Bullitt,  frontier  fighter,  249-252 
Burgoyne,  Gen.,  267-268 
Burton,  Lieut.  Col.,  230,  233,  327 
Byng,  Admiral  John,  292 
Byrd,  Col.,  245,  248 


CALLIERES,  GOV.,  132,  135 

Calvinists,  French,  34 
Campbell,  Maj.   Duncan,  of  In- 

verawe,  266,  280,  284-286 
Canso,  169,  173 
Cap-Rouge,  317-319 
Caroline,   Fort,  erection  of,  36; 

38,     41,     46;      renamed     San 

Mateo,  51 

Caxamarco,  slaughter  at,  5 
Cazenove,  Lieut.,  52-53 
Centurion     (British     ship-of-the 

line),  2ii,  315 
Chagres  River,  74,  78,  87,  92 
Chambly,  battle  near,  137 
Chambon,      Du,      succeeds     Du 

Quesnel    at   Louisbourg,    175; 

175-183;  290 

Champlain  Lake,  131,  266,  268 
Chapigny,  Intendant,  141 
Charles  V,  Emperor,  3 
Chateauguay,  124 
Chickesaws,  22 
"  Child  of  the  Sun,"  de  Soto,  25, 

26-27 

Cofachiqui,  country  of,  14 
Coligny,  Jasper,  Huguenot  lead 
er,  34 

Conquistadors,  the  best  of  the,  3 
Contfecceur,  de,  successor  of  St. 

Pierre,  195,  222-223,  234,  235 
Cortez,  Fernando,  9,  21,  29 
Costa  Rica,  62 
Couillon,  Port,  72 
Cruz,  80 
Cumberland,  Fort,  212,  214,  238, 

243 

Cumberland  Island,  153 
Cuzco,  storming  of,  5 


TEARING  (English  merchant 
man),  138 

Davidson,  John,   190 

Davis,  Captain  Sylvanus,  129 

Denonville,  Governor  de,  123, 
127 

Desgouttes,  Admiral,  290,  297, 
298 

De  Soto,  Hernando,  early  life,  3- 
4;  expedition  into  Nicaragua 
4;  in  Peru,  4-5 ;  Florida  explo 
ration,  6;  his  method  of  con 
quest,  10;  his  character,  II ; 
encounter  with  Vitachuco,  II- 
14;  adventure  and  misadvent 
ure  with  the  princess  of  the 
land  of  Cofachiqui,  14-16; 
massacre  at  Mauvila,  16-20; 
conspiracy  against  him,  21 ; 
war  with  the  Chickesaws,  21- 
22;  discovers  the  Mississippi 
River,  23;  winter  quarters  at 
Utiangue,  25;  the  Natchez  In 
dians  hostile,  25-26;  reaches 
the  Red  River,  25-26;  his 
death,  26-27;  the  end  of  his 
exploring  expedition,  30 

Discoveries  in  the  New  World, 

1-55 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  81 

Drummond,  alias  Blackbeard,  08 

Drucour,  Chevalier  de,  com 
mander  at  Louisbourg,  290-303 

Duchesneau,  Intendant,  126 

Dumas,  M.,  de  Beaujeu's  suc 
cessor  in  command,  226-227 

Dunbar,  Col.  Thomas,  214,  218- 
219,  235-237 

Dunwoodie,  Lieut-Gov.  Robert, 
189-190,  194 


E 

TTDEN,  GOV.,  of  North  Caro-1 
lina,    his    partnership    with 
the  pirates,  102-106 
Edward,  Fort,  283 
El  Cerro  de  los  Bucaneros,  81 


Index 


337 


Elthan  (British  war-ship),  174 
Estrees,  Admiral  d',  72 
Execution  Dock,  117 


FERGUSON,  CAPTAIN,  293 

Five  Nations,  the,   121-124 

Flying  Stag  (pirate  ship),  68,  73, 
74,78 

Forbes,  Brig.  Gen.  John,  244- 
260,  263 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  213,  222,  237 

Frazier,  Lieut.,  194 

Frederica,  149-152;  fighting  at, 
154-161 

French  and  Indian  War,  187-331 

Fresh  Water  Cove,  293-294 

Frontenac,  Fort,  140 

Frontenac,  Louis  de  Buade, 
Comte  de  Palluau  et  de,  some 
exploits  of,  121-142;  character, 
124,  125,  130,  141-142;  appoint 
ed  governor  of  Canada,  126, 
127;  Schenectady  razed,  128- 
129;  other  massacres,  129-130; 
conquers  the  Iroquois,  139- 
140;  his  death,  141 

Fry,  Joshua,  Col.,  194,  198 


GAGE,  LIEUT.  COL.,  186, 

214,   220,   222,    224-227,   268 

Gallegos,  Balthazar  de,  17,  27 

Gates,  Gen.,  237 

George,  Lake,  266,  268 

Gibraltar,  Town  of,  69 

Gist,  Christopher,  190,  192,  193, 
218 

Gordon,  Engineer,  224,  225 

Gourgues,  Dominique  de,  The 
Revenge  of,  33-55 ;  sketch  of 
his  life,  50;  avenging  expedi 
tion,  50-54;  rewarded  with  dis 
favor  and  poverty,  54;  late 
recognition  of  his  patriotic  ser 
vice,  54 ;  his  death,  54 

Grant,  Ensign,  295 

Grant,  Maj.,  unsuccessful  attack 
on  Fort  Du  Quesne,  248-252 

22 


Great  Meadows,  195,  198 
Gridley,  Richard,  182 
Guachoya,  25 

Guzman,  de,  Governor  of  Pana 
ma,  67 

H 

UALF-KING,  THE,  191,  196 
Halket,  Sir  Peter,  Colonel, 
214,  226,  229,  232-233,  256-257 

Hall,  Capt,  in 

Hampshire      (English      man-of- 
war),  138 

Hands,  Israel,  100 

Hawkins,  Sir  John,  38 

Hispaniola,  67,  72 

Hopkins,  Lieut.,  295 

Howe,    Brig.    Gen.    George   Au 
gustus,  Viscount,  264-273 

Howe,  Lieut  Col.  William,  320 

Hudson's    Bay     (English     mer 
chantman),  138 

Huguenot  Colonies,  .the,  33-42 

Hurons,  128 


JBERVILLE   D',    a   leader   of 
French  colonial  warriors,  24, 
128,    137;   sea  battle  in   Hud 
son's  Bay,  137-139 
Inverawe,  Legend  of,  284-286 
Iroquois  Indians,   122,   128,  137; 
conquered  by   Frontenac,   139- 
140;  190-191,  267,  277 


JACOB'S  CREEK,  218 

J     Jervis,  John,  319 

Jesus    (English  trading  vessel), 

38 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  277 
Joliet,  Jesuit  explorer,  24 
"Jolly   Roger,"   Under   the,  97- 

117;  description  of  the,  98 
Joncaire,  Capt.  Chabert,  191 
Jumonville,  Coulon  de,  fate  of, 

193,  196,  199,  201,  308 


338 


Index 


K 

T£  EPPEL,        COMMODORE, 

1V>      212 

Kersaint,  Comte  de,  174 
King  George's  War,  145,  289 


LA  BARRE,  GOV.,  127 

La  Chine,  massacre  at,  121- 
124,  127 

Laforey,  Commander,  300,  301 

Lagny,  Capt,  271,  272 

Langlade,  Charles  de,  223 

La  Salle,  Robert  Cavalier,  Sieur 
de,  24,  121,  126 

Laudonniere,  Rene  de,  naviga 
tor,  36;  builds  Fort  Caroline, 
36;  seized  by  pirates,  37;  the 
massacre  at  Fort  Caroline,  43- 
45 

Launceston  (English  war  ship), 
174 

Laval,  Bishop,  126 

La  Vigne,  officer  of  the  guard, 

44 

Lawrence,  Brig.  Gen.,  292-293, 
296 

Le  Bienfaisant  (French  armed 
ship),  301-302 

Le  Bizarre  (French  blockade- 
runner),  291 

Le  Bceuf,  Fort,  191,  243 

Le  Capricieux  (French  armed 
ship),  300 

Le  Celebre  (French  armed  ship), 
300 

Le  Comete  (French  blockade- 
runner),  291 

Lee,  Charles,  265 

L'Entreprenante  (French  armed 
ship),  300 

Leisler,  Gov.,  of  New  York,  129 

Le  Moyne,  sons  of,  128 

Le  Prudent  (French  armed  ship), 
301 

Levis,  de,  269,  279,  280,  281 ;  suc 
ceeds  Montcalm,  329 

Lewis,  Major,  245,  248-252 


Ligneris,  de,  French  commander, 

227,  249-256 

Line  in  the  sand,  the,  46-49 
Little  Meadows,  214 
L'Olonnois,  buccaneer,  61 
Long-house,  Children  of  the,  121, 

129,  140 

Lotbiniere,  Engineer,  266 
Louisbourg,    siege    of,    163-183; 

returned  to  the   French,   289; 

siege,   297-304;    destruction   of 

fleet,  300-302;  capitulation,  303 
Loyal,  Fort,  129 
Loyalhannon,  military  post,  248, 

252 
Lyme  (English  ship-of-war),  103 

M 

]Vf  ACKAY,  LIEUT.,  156,  157, 
1V±     198 

Maisonfort,  Marquis  de  la,  com 
mander  of  the  French  ship-of- 
the-line  Vigilant,  183 

Maldonado,  Commander,  14 

Mansvelt,  buccaneer,  61-62 

Mantet,  Commander  de,  128 

Manuel,  Don,  160 

Maracaibo,  sacked  by  Morgan, 
67-72 

Maracaibo,  Lake,  69 

Marquette,  Jesuit  explorer,  24 

Martin,  Captain,  HI 

Massachusetts  (American  frig 
ate),  171 

Matanzas  Inlet,  46 

Mauvila,  captured  by  de  Soto, 
14-20,  25 

Maynard,  Capt.  Robert,  Stamps 
out  Blackbeard,  97-106 

Memphis,  23 

Mendoza,  a  priest,  46-47 

Menendez  de  Aviles,  Pedro, 
Spanish  admiral,  massacre  of 
French  at  Fort  Caroline,  39- 
45 ;  family  and  character,  41- 
42;  massacre  of  Huguenots, 
46-49 

Mercer,  Hugh,  259 

Mermaid  (British  war  ship),  174 


Index 


339 


Meserve,  Lieut.  Col.,  178 
Mississippi        discovered,        23  ; 

names,  126 
Mobile,  16 
Monkton,   Brig.   Gen.,   310,   316, 

328 
Monongahela  River,  Braddock's 

defeat,  221-239 
Montcalm,    Marquis   de,   victory 

at   Ticonderoga,    263-283;    fall 

of  Quebec,  307-331 
Monteano,   Don   Manuel   de,   re 

taliatory  campaign,  148-161 
Montgomery,   Richard,  304 
Montmorency  River,  311;  Mont- 

calm's  repulse  on,  314-316 
Montreal,    130;    British    attack, 

131 

Morgan,  Daniel,  237,  248 

Morgan,  Sir  Henry,  and  His 
Buccaneers,  59-94;  Morgan's 
characteristics,  60  ;  sacks 
Puerto  Principe,  62  ;  plunders 
Puerto  Bello,  59-61  ;  raid  on 
Maracaibo,  67-72  ;  captures 
Fort  St.  Lawrence,  72-78;  ter 
rible  march  to  the  Pacific,  78- 
82;  destruction  of  Panama 
City,  82-91  ;  Morgan  knighted, 
93;  in  prison,  93 

Moscoso,  Luis  de,  7,  17;  de 
Soto's  successor,  27,  28 

Murray,  Brigadier,  310 


(British  flag  ship), 
291,  300 
Narvaez,  Pamphilio  de,  9,  23 
Natchez  Indians,  25,  29 
Necessity,  Fort,  198-199 
Nimwegen,  the  peace  of,  127 
Nolan,  Philip,  24 

o 

OGLETHORPE,  JAMES  ED- 
^     WARD,     defence     of     St. 

Simeon's       Island,       145-162; 

battle  of  Bloody  Marsh,   158- 


159;    personality    and    career, 

145,  146 
Ohio  Valley,  in  the  French  and 

Indian  War,  189-260 
Olotoraca,  Indian  Chieftain,  51- 

54 

Onondagas,  140 
Orme,  Aide-de-Camp,  214,  235 
Ortiz,  Juan,  8,  17,  25 
Oxford  (pirate  ship),  67,  68 


PACIFIC,  Morgan's  march  to 
the,  78-81 

Panama  City,  63,  74,  78;  razing 
of,  82-91 

Pearl  (British  ship-of-war),  103 

Pelican  (French  frigate),  138 

Pemaquid,  137 

Pepperrell,  William,  163;  the 
man,  171-172;  besieges  Louis 
ville,  163-184,  289 

Philip  II,  King  of  Spain,  35 

Phips,  Sir  William,  defeat  at 
Quebec,  130-136 

Pineda,  23 

Piracy  and  Buccaneering,  57-117 

Pitt,  Sir  William,  263-265,  309- 
310 

Pitt,  Fort,  258 

Plains  of  Abraham,  322 

Pomeroy,  Seth,  177,  178 

Pontiac,  Indian  leader,  223,  227 

Port  Royal,  first  actual  settle 
ment  in  North  America,  35 

Portuguese,  Bartholomew,  buc 
caneer,  61 

Prince  of  Orange  (British  war 
ship),  293 

Puerto  Bello,  plundered,  59-67 

Putnam,  Maj.  Israel,  265,  272 


QUEBEC,  the  fall  of,  307-331. 
Queen  Anne's  Revenge  (pi 
rate   ship),    101-106,    109,   no; 
renamed  the  Royal  James,  1 10 


340 


Index 


Buesne,  Gov.  Du,  of  Canada,  189 
uesne,  Fort  Du,  built,  195; 
fighting  at,  217-239;  the 
French  expelled,  245-256 ; 
evacuation,  260 

Quesnel,  Gov.  Du,  of  Louis- 
bourg,  169,  175 

R 

PENOMMEE     (French    frig- 

•**     ate),  173-174 

Rhett,  Col.  Vice-Admiral  Will 
iam,  106;  sea  fight  with  the 
pirate  Bonnet,  111-114 

Ribaut,  Jean  Francois,  35,  36,  39 ; 
massacre  at  Fort  Caroline,  40- 
45;  killed,  47-49 

Richelieu  River,  137 

Rogers,  Robert,  265,  268,  272 

Roland,  Fort,  123 

Rous,  Capt.  John,  171,  173,  184 

Rouville,  Commander  de,   129 

Royal  James  (pirate  ship),  110- 
114 

Ryswyck,  treaty  of,  140 


CT.     AUGUSTINE,    founded, 

40;  42,  48 

St.  Catherine,  island,  74 
St.  Clair,  Sir  John,  Lieut.  Col., 

213,  220,  222,  224,  226,   227,  246 

St.  Johns  River,  35,  36,  42 
St.  Julien,  Lieut.  Col.  de,  293 
St.  Lawrence,  Fort,  stormed  by 

pirates,  72-78 
St.  Lawrence  River,  121 
St.    Pierre,    Legardeur    de,    191, 

195 

St.  Remy,  Fort,  123 
St.  Simon's  Island,  145-162 
Salmon  Falls,  massacre  at,  129 
San  Mateo  (old  Fort  Caroline), 

51 ;  massacre  at,  51-53 
San  Pelayo   (Spanish  flag  ship), 

39-40 

Satouriona,  Indian  leader,  51 
Saunders,     Vice-Admiral,     310, 


Scarborough   (British  war  ship), 

101 
Schenectady,  the  burning  of,  124- 

129 

Schuyler,  Capt.  John,   131-132 
Schuyler,  Peter,  137 
Scott,  Major,  295 
Sea    Nymph     (Colonial     armed 

ship)  111-114 
Senezergues,  French  officer,  326, 

328 

Seven  Years'  War,  309 
Shirley,  Gov.  William,  campaign 

against    Louisbourg,    169-184; 

with    Braddock    at    Fort    Du 

Quesne,  211 

Shirley  Galley,  171,  174,  183-184 
Spangenberg,    Moravian    leader, 

147 
Spotswood,  Gov.  Alexander,  of 

Virginia,  punishes  pirates,  103- 

106 

Stark,  Capt.  John,  265,  277 
Stewart,  Alexander,  153,  161 
Stewart,  Captain,  224,  232 
Stobo,  Captain,  317 
Subercase,     Field     Commander, 

122-123 
Success      (American      merchant 

ship),  152,  154 
Sullivan's  Island,  117 
Superbe  (British  war  ship),  174 
Sutherland,  Lieut,  156 


HPALON,  INTENDANT,  126 

x      Tampa,  Bay  of,  8 

Teach,  98 

Thatch,  98 

Thomas,  Capt,  alias  Major  Bon 
net,  no 

Tiburon,  Cape,  73 

Ticonderoga,  The  Fighting 
Around,  263-286 

Tobar,  Nuno  de,  7,  19,  21,  27,  29 

Topsail  Inlet,  109 

Townshend,  Brig.  Gen.,  310, 
323  ;  succeeds  Wolfe,  329 

Trapezec,  Capt.,  271 


Index 


Trent,  Capt.,  194 

Trent  (British  frigate),  294 

Triana,  castle,  64 

Trott,  Chief  Justice,  114-117 

Tufts,  William,  176 

Turenne,  Gen.,  125 

Tuscaloosa,  16-20 

Tyng,  Capt.  Edward,  171,  173 

U 
UTIANGUE,  province,  25 


VACA,  CABEZA  DE,  5-6,  10 
Valladolid,  the  court  of,  3 
Valrenne,  French  leader,   137 
Van    Braam,    Capt.    Jacob,    190- 

192,  201 

Vasconcelos,     Portuguese     com 
mander,  7,  21 
Vauban,  Fort-builder,  165 
Vaudreuil,  Chevalier,  123 
Vaudreuil,  Marquis  de,  313,  321 
Vaughan,  William,  169,  176,  177, 

181 

Vauquelin,  Captain,  298 
Venango,  189,  191 
Vergor,  Capt.  de,  321-322 
Vernon,  Admiral,  160 
Vigilant      (French     ship-of-the- 

line),  182-183 

Villegagnon,  Durand  de,  founds 
the  first  Protestant  settlement 
in  the  New  World,  34 


Villegagnon,  island,  34 
Villiers,  Coulon  de,  199-201 
Vitachuco,    Indian    chief,    11-14, 

20 
Vivier,  Gen.  Du,  169 


WALCOTT,    Maj.    Gen.    Ro 

ger,  172 

Walley,  John,  132,  135-136 
War  of  the  Austrian  Succession, 

145 

Ward,  Ensign,  194 

Warren,  Admiral,  173-175,  179, 
184,  185 

Wars,  early  colonial,  119-186 

Washington,  George,  mission  to 
Venango,  190-193;  fight  near 
Great  Meadows,  196-197;  bat 
tles  at  Fort  Necessity,  198-202; 
"  assassination  "  of  de  Jumon- 
ville,  201  ;  French  driven  out 
of  the  Ohio  Valley,  243-260 

Webb,  Commander,  327 

Wesley,  Charles,  147 

Wesley,  John,  147 

West,  Benjamin,  the  painter,  257 

Whitefield,  147 

Whitmore,  Brig.  Gen.,  292-293, 
296,  303 

Wills  Creek,  194,  195,  198,  202 

Winthrop,  Commander,  131 

Wolfe,  James,  55,  210,  263,  265, 
293-304;  captures  Quebec,  310- 
331 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 


Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 

29Nov'62fiP 


• 


S  1962 


•S4 


LD  21A-50m-3  '62 
(C7097slO)476B 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


